In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.

The Iranian constitutional revolution is the dawn of the modernization and the rising of a form of constitutional state which was possible by transition from epistemological-political foundations of the old regime and the old tradition. What is undeniable in this incident is the controversy over the foundations of the new state for and against it by the first generation of Iranian intellectuals of the constitutional period. Recapitulating the works of three intellectuals, namely Mirza Malkam Khan Nazemol Dowleh, Mirza Yousuf Khan Mostasharol Dowleh and Mirza Fathali Akhundzadeh, this study tries to show which therapy they offer for transition from the foundations of the old regime and the nature of new regime, what role they consider for the state in this process, and according to this, how they can be categorized into statist and anti-statist groups. For this purpose, the views of these three intellectuals on the pivotal issues such as: the image of the Iranian and the West civilizations, the role and the position of the state, as well as the reasons for the ups and downs of the Iranian civilization and the ways to overcome them have been examined and a glimpse of their approach has been offered. Eventually, it has also been attempted to determine the relative position of each of these three figures on a spectrum from extremist statism on one end and extremist anti-statism on the other.

Russian identity discourses, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, have faced a region consisted of states and territorial boundaries around the border of Russia that were previously defined in the form of a "we", and now those states must be redefined as "they" and their place would have also been determined in the Russian continuum of "other-self". These discourses in the self-redefinition have emphasized on a range of different perceptions, from the continuation of "unity in the form of we" in the post-Soviet era to "Otherness" and "alienation" in the Eurasian region. Depending on the identical consideration or different consideration of identity, Eurasian regionalism have different representations in Russian macro-discourses of identity (westernism, statism and Eurasianism ) and thus the preferences of Russia in this process is accompanied with neglectful and emphatic turnings. This Research is trying to find the reasons for volatilities of Russian participation in the Eurasian regionalism, by applying the theory of " critical constructivist regionalism", while emphasizing on the assumption that "identity debates in Russian foreign policy discourses has been the reason for neglectful and emphatic turnings in the preference of participation in the Eurasian regionalism.

This article intends to turn sociologists' attention towards this notion that dealing with social Variables without considering the fundamental cultural elements does not provide sufficient explanations for problems. Three cultural elements including, Tribalsystem, Anti-statism and Feudal structure are discussed among other various elements which are identified, The tribal system which was functional in the past is dysfunctional in its modem form at present In general, the governmental system was largely related to the tribal system. Therefore, on the one hand it provided the possibility of the conflict with the rivals and on the other hand it affected the popular legitimacy and acceptance and developed the anti-statism. Whenever the Feuda structure manifests itself as its modern form, it increases social inequality and conflict a in turn, decreases social integration. These elements with their historical roots and their modem manifestations mutually sustain and intensify each other.

Russia has been a prominent European great power since the 18th century, and later a world power. In the context of great power competition, Russian foreign and security policies have been attractive topics for the international relations (IR) theorists who have developed concepts such as the "Great Game", "Heartland", "Class Transnationalism" and "Strategic Parity" mainly in relation to Russia's foreign policy. Over the last decades, significant efforts have been undertaken in Russia in order to understand European and international politics, and these efforts have reached a point that one can now speak of the evolution of the Russian international relations theory. Indeed, the main question of this article is as follows: How have the fundamental issues of the state been reflected in the Russian IR theory? In the research hypothesis, it is claimed that domestic politics play a determining role in the development of IR theories. The Russian approach to IR theory building is different from the western approaches to IR theory. While the current trend in the main debates of IR theories in the western academic and research institutions have been about the nature, method and philosophical foundations of these theories, in Russia there have been major debates around the issues of identity, security and development, which have led to conflicting views of internationalism, statism, civilizational and geopolitical approaches. The author discusses positivist approach to IR which is best described as one which advocates a unified view of science, and calls for the use of methodologies of the natural sciences—most often quantitative data analysis—to study IR. The author also explores the arguments of the critics of the positivist approach from the perspective of critical studies and sociology of science and discusses the likelihood of acceptability of indigenous theory of IR. The main finding of this article is that we cannot identify a fully indigenous Russian theory of IR at present, but the attitudes in the four schools (i.e., internationalist, statist, civilizationist, geostrategist attitudes) are such that they provide important opportunities to build a truly indigenous Russian theory of IR. In fact, the main concern of Russian theorists during the 1991-2022 period had been the issues of identity, security and development, regardless of the schools of thoughts to which they belonged. In fact, there have been general debates about the identity of the Russian state, the expansion of Western institutions and their influence, and the need to overcome economic development problems. Internationalists define Russian identity within the Western world and advocate cooperation with Western institutions, and do not consider any security policies other than in connection with European and global institutions. Russian statists believe the identity of the Russian state is influenced by a combination of local and regional factors, which do not clash necessarily with the Western world except for issues related to survival. They argue that Russian security depends on the maintenance of a regional balance, increased comprehensive interactions with other countries (including the Western countries), and implementation of pragmatic development and modernization policies. Russian civilizationists emphasize the exclusive aspects of identity, security, preservation of local traditions and culture. In contrast, Russian scholars in the geopolitical school with its widespread security concerns and the feeling of being surrounded and threatened by the West, emphasize an anti-Western approach to the policy formulation for countering Western military-security threats. It is not surprising that they supported Moscow’s policies in the war against Ukraine. The main problem in all four schools of thought is related to the debate about the best way to deal with foreign academic circles to enrich their concepts and theories. The intellectual space created during the 1985-1999 reform period facilitated Russian academic interactions and collaboration within the transnational space, but the escalation of tensions between Russia and NATO member states over the war in Ukraine gradually created a more restricted and state-oriented environment which have been widening the gap between Russian academic institutions and international teaching and research centers. However, given the globalization of communication and information technologies and capabilities, the intellectual space of IR studies in Russia will continue to grow and the intellectual fences of the Soviet era are unlikely to reappear to prevent Russian academic interactions with the outside world.

Putin had a more modest foreign policy rhetoric and seemed to be far more pragmatic than Primakov during his first term of presidency. However, such conditions did not last long and Russian government chose a more assertive stance once political stability was ensured and economic growth showed signs of improvement. In the following article we have assumed that similar patterns of thinking and acting which have not been necessarily subject to considerable changes as a result of vibrant conditions can be found in Russian foreign policy. It seems as if guiding principles of foreign policy are deeply embedded in political culture of the country. Despite some tactical changes to compensate for country‟ s backwardness and economic difficulties as a historical tradition, Russians have never retreated from claiming the status of a globally recognized great power and international rule maker. ...

Mir Mustafa Alainasb has been one of the influential figures on Iran's economic trends in the years after the Islamic Revolution. Considering the prominent role of Highness, this article seeks to answer three main questions: 1. What intellectual currents were formed under the influence of Highness's thoughts and economic practice? 2. What were the main current themes in his economic thought and practice? 3. What assessment can be made of the intellectual and scientific heritage of the Highness? Considering that there are no written or non-written works of the Highness, in this article, an attempt has been made to answer the three questions by using the available first-hand sources and interviews with ten figures close to him. The findings of the research show that the economic opinions and ideas of the noble family were influenced by three main intellectual streams, namely, Islamic thought, the German historical school, and socialist economy. The main themes that can be extracted from his intellectual and practical heritage include things such as moral attitude towards the economy, belief in extensive government intervention, opposition to commercial capitalism, privatization and foreign capital, economic nationalism, economic protectionism and the necessity of promoting domestic production, belief in the primacy of justice over Other dimensions of development are maintaining the value of the national currency and opposing consumerism. The article emphasizes the point that despite the elements of a relatively specific orientation in the field of economic policies, Aaleenasb cannot be considered as having a systematic economic thought. In the field of output, despite achieving important achievements such as maintaining relative economic stability in the conditions of war and embargo, providing the minimum subsistence level and supporting the fronts, the results of the policies that His Highness played a role in regulating and implementing have not been successful in terms of macroeconomic indicators

The attitude and approach of Russia's encounter with Eurasian region has gone a long way in the post-Sovietera. The identity discourses of Russia including Westernism, Statism and Eurasianism in the post-Soviet era have determined the interpretation of Russian political system regarding Eurasia and Eurasian regionalism based on formation of a spiritual system. This topic beyond the endless process of adaptability of Russia’ s regional behavior with different spiritual systems and identity statements has led to a continuous review and re-listing of its rivals, colleagues and allies, especially in Eurasia. For example, due to the evolution of Russia’ s identical attitude towards Eurasia and regionalism approach, ...

The analysis of legal institutions from various perspectives encompasses ideas that lead us beyond mere legal analyses and reveal points that may not be immediately apparent despite their obviousness. The International Criminal Court (ICC) has also been examined from various legal and political dimensions. However, what can emerge as a new theory about the Court is an analysis based on the concepts of lawfare, law laundering, and the paradigms of human rights and statism. The result is that, contrary to the desirable idealism that brought the Court into being, this institution has not only failed to achieve its objective of combating impunity effectively but has also contributed to an additional layer of impunity itself. This critique and contradictory situation are not solely inherent to the Court but stem from a paradigmatic confrontation in the international arena. This confrontation has persisted and has yet to culminate in the dominance of the human rights paradigm, upon which the foundation of the Court is also based.

Different views have been presented about the kind of interaction between the clerics and Islamic government. One of them is that the clerics are at the service of and subject to Islamic government and that it is incumbent on all people, including the clerics, to obey all its institutions as part of their religious duty towards the Islamic government. Another view is that Islamic government should be governed by the clerics and that in the Islamic government which is the conduct for implementing divine bounds it is the religious scholars and religious authorities who take this responsibility. According to this view, the Islamic government has to be headed by the clerics as religious leaders. Another view which principally rejects the idea of the relationship between religion and politics and distinguishes the presence and mission of the clerics form those of the government. Finally, there is a view that backs the idea of the relationship between religion and politics, but ignores the relationship between the clerics and government and stresses the idea of setting up an Islamic government but without the clerics. Each one of these views originates from the way its advocates perceive such things like the clerics and Islamic government, the relationship between religion and society, Islam and government, Islam and the clerics, the clerics and society, etc.Expounding the concepts and principles of the subject matter of this topic and investigating the different views about it, the present paper investigates and provides a model which is consistent with the political philosophy of Islam and identical to the political thought of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic system.