The caliph Omar was killed in the year Hijri (644A.D) and othman and Othman succeeded him. The main reason for this event was dissatisfaction of the Arab elite of the economic program of the second caliph. Very little research has been conducted on this issue especially in Persian language. In order to clarify this issue, some points should be studied, the socioeconomical program of Omar especially regarding his program for land, his will, the cause of the economical advancement of the bourgeois after the Caliph death, and the speculations regarding his death.      

From the political sociology point of view, emerging and continuity of modem societies have been a combined with some kind of totalitarianism in west (as the First step of development), modem nation-states, modem revolutions, modem wars, Formation of totalitarian Communism-Fashism, democratic systems, and at least Globalization, terrorism, Terrorism phenomena has been deep in glomming because of ontology, epistemology, and political sociology, and has been the base of bilateralism and unharmonize Function of national and international political power side. And accordingly this situation has made some kind of disturbance in social and political systems and international relations as a whole. In this research, we take for garented the rise of terrorism by statistic, and the next step Refer to ontology of terrorism according to scholars and politicians point of view. The take for garented that with the falling down of capability of states, sociopolitical movements rise up in national, international, and even global level, and from this perspective, we study terrorism phenomena in level of analysis in which sociopolitical movements formed. At last, we study the function of terrorism mechanism from rational choice point of view.

The root of the nature, the reasons and the quality of sociopolitical leaders' thought is hidden in their epistemological system. Understanding this system helps to recognize the influential components in analyzing sociopolitical issues from the viewpoint of the person. Although there are many scientific works regarding the thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei, there has not been a work which investigates his epistemological system in analyzing sociopolitical issues. Using a descriptive-analytical method and having an epistemological approach, seeks to discover the epistemological system of Ayatollah Khamenei in sociopolitical issues. In answering the question that what criteria Ayatollah Khamenei uses in analyzing sociopolitical issues, we came to the conclusion that his epistemological system analyzes the sociopolitical issues by relying on the four processes of recognition that is the possibility of recognizing political issues, the capability of accepting the truth or falsehood of political events, the possibility of recognizing the true political event from the false one and the relationship between political events. The most important distinction of his epistemological system from that of other political analysts is the combination of experiential data with logical evaluations and revelational adjustment.

The global energy transition towards low-carbon systems has brought to the fore the underexplored sociopolitical dynamics shaping transition pathways in fossil fuel-dependent developing countries. This study addresses this critical research gap by conducting a comprehensive, multidimensional analysis of the complex interplay between public attitudes, interest group pressures, political institutions, and cultural narratives influencing Iran's energy transition strategies amidst evolving global realities. Employing a novel analytical framework that synthesizes resource dependence, sociotechnical transitions, punctuated equilibrium, and complex interdependence theories, the research draws upon rich insights from 11 semi-structured interviews with leading Iranian experts across policy, engineering, economics, sociocultural, and governance domains. Through a rigorous discourse analysis of interview data and an extensive literature review, the study examines the way in which entrenched hydrocarbon interests, institutional fragmentation, geopolitical tensions, public perceptions, demographic divergences, and cultural identities shape Iran's complex energy landscape. The findings underscore the importance of responsive communication, inclusive stakeholder engagement, adaptive governance, and regional cooperation in navigating the sociopolitical terrain underpinning Iran's sustainable energy transition. The study generates actionable policy recommendations spanning public outreach, political economy management, institutional capacity building, and international diplomacy, advancing theoretical understandings of energy transitions in resource-dependent Global South contexts, while providing guidance for policymakers navigating complex reform pathways amidst societal resistance and geopolitical uncertainties.

Introduction: The emergence of new states outside Europe following the post-war decolonization and rising nationalism eliminated the analyses and assumptions which had founded the sociology based on the European tradition and classical positivist beliefs, which ultimately proved significant in denunciating the vainness of large-scale theories and their application on universal issues. The question of ethnicity in Iran has not been an exception. Iran is a multi-ethnic country with Fars people forming the majority of the population. Fars people mainly reside in the center of the country while other ethnic groups are settled along the borderlines. Ethnic groups settled along the borderlines have tribal extensions beyond the national borders. This status has brought about certain conditions in ethnic interactions with the central government. This condition may account for the major portion of Iran's geo-political issues and national, regional and international challenges. The present article deals with the issue of ethnicity using a hermeneutic method and postmodern approach aiming at investigating the failure of large-scale theories, a legacy of modernism and positivist method, in accounting for ethnicity issues. This article is to demonstrate that in postmodern dialogue the regional issues should be dealt with in the light of time and geography of that region.

The main objective in this paper is to survey the level of political anomie among Iranian students using some theoretical Concepts such as: feeling of effectiveness on sociopolitical issues; sociopolitical trusts; and the feeling toward the rules and regulations. Theoretical arguments, including Durkheim’s theoretical reflections on political anomie, are presented. Field survey is the applied method of collecting data through a researcher made questionnaire.Students of Islamic Azad University constituted the statistical population of this research. A sample of 350 respondents completed the questionnaire. Cluster sampling applied to the selection of students. Findings show that respondents suffer from political anomie at the rate of higher than average on a five points scale. Respondents also express low effectiveness on sociopolitical issues; their feeling of sociopolitical trust and civic obligations are average on this scale.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: Persian poets have long been considered the intellectuals of their society. These poets have applied the scientific jargons of their era for creating themes and concepts and expressing their opinions and thoughts. Adibolmamalek Farahani is one of these intellectuals. During the Persian Constitutional era, he was a famous poet of the Persian Literary Return Movement. In an artistic way, he used scientific jargon in his sociopolitical poems. So far, no research has focused on this characteristic as one of the main features of his poetic style. That’ s why in this research project, the authors have attempted to address the usage of medical jargon in sociopolitical poems of Adibolmamalek Farahani as the stylistic feature of his poetry. This feature had a literary-scientific value and it can represent the poet’ s thoughts. METHODOLOGY: This research was conducted with a descriptive analytical method. The data was collected from the related available references related to the life, poetry, style and socio-political thoughts of Adibolmamalek Farahani as well as old and new references related to medical and pharmaceutical jargon. FINDINGS: According to the researches on Adibolmamalek Farahani’ s poetic style, some believe that his poetry represents Khorasani-Iraqi Literary School, while there are signs in his works that his poetry represents Azarbayjani Literary School too, such as extensive use of scientific jargon, patriotic emotions, sharp invectives and satires, complicated poems, complains of life. The main feature of Adibolmamalek Farahani’ s style are the use of medical jargon in the service of literary techniques. To create original socio-political poems, he used so many allegories. CONCLUSION: The results of the project indicate that although Adibolmamalek Farahani’ s poems show his extensive literary knowledge, his purpose in using scientific terms (particularly medical jargon) in sociopolitical poems was not to boast about his knowledge. He used scientific and medical terms and in fact his goal was to promote a general and social vocabulary in order to convey sociopolitical concepts of his era. It seems that the use of these jargon has a satiric and eulogy function.

Standard political discourse is replete with ambiguity and vagueness. Politicians frequently use vague language to hide their inadequate knowledge, show their low interest in the issue, and/or evoke emotion. This study reports on a qualitative content analysis of vagueness in two Iranian presidents' political interviews within a pragmalinguistic and sociopolitical paradigm. The data consisted of nine question-answer exchanges extracted from seven internationally live broadcast interviews. A total of 57 instances of vague language use were analyzed in terms of 21 pragmalinguistic vagueness strategies. Implications are that vagueness in political discourse is motivated by a multiplicity of factors such as face management, sociopolitical and situational adaptation, conflict avoidance, and personal characteristics of the interviewers and the respondents. Vagueness was also found to be a sign of diplomatic prudence or wisdom.

The conquest of Iran by the Muslim Arabs that marked the fall of the Sassanid dynasty, as well as the questions about its justifications and consequences, have been extensively discussed by historians from a variety of angles. Hence, there are divergent views on the rationales underlying their rapid and unpredictable domination over the great Sassanid territory. For example, references have been made to the reconciliation of some Iranian aristocratic and ruling families with the Arabs for economic and religious purposes. However, no independent and systematic research has explored the non-economic and non-religious goals and motives of the Iranian aristocracy in reconciliation with the Arabs so far. This study, utilizing a descriptive-analytical method, strives to explore the political, social, military, and security stimuli of the Arab conquerors. According to findings, the urgency to protect one’ s life, maintain former positions, promote one’ s socio-political status in the new ruling system, exploit Arab military force to get rid of traditional rivals, and be realistic about surviving the military crisis and regaining power impelled a class of Iranian aristocrats to pursue the strategy of reconciliation with the Arab invading forces.