This paper introduces a new hybrid structure called a multipolar $(m, n)$-fuzzy set, which is an extension of multipolar fuzzy sets and $(m, n)$-fuzzy sets. The concept of a multipolar $(m,n)$-fuzzy set has been applied to the study of semihypergroups. In particular, we introduce the notions of multipolar $(m, n)$-fuzzy sub-semihypergroups, multipolar $(m, n)$-fuzzy hyperideals, multipolar $(m, n)$-fuzzy bi-hyperideals, multipolar $(m, n)$-fuzzy quasi-hyperideals, and multipolar $(m, n)$-fuzzy (1, 2)-hyperideals of semihypergroups, and investigate some of their properties. Additionally, we characterised regular semihypergroups in terms of various types of multipolar $(m, n)$-F-hyperideals.

The International system that from 16th century has been replaced the pattern of regional powers did not have the stability and continuity. And throughout the history have always been changed. The most important changes happened in the Twentieth Century. Those changes appeared in the form of a multipolar, bipolar and unipolar system. After the collapse of the Soviet Union some claimed the post-Cold war international system is unipolar. And based on this, they entitled capitalism as the end of history and emphasized that in the new world the United State is the sole superpower which has no rival. They believed that in the era of weakness of Marxism and collapse of communism the dominating discourse of liberal capitalism will inevitable military, cultural, political, economic and social domination of White House. Although this claim might be true for the last decade of the Twentieth Century, but with beginning the Twenty-first Century that started with the important events of September 11, 2001 gradually change and development that are the perennial nature of the international system were appeared and proved that the pattern of the international system is not permanent and another pattern that is the multipolar system is being created.

A comparison of the Hydrogenic Lamb shift, calculated from the minimalcoupling and multipolar interactions, is made. The transition frequency of 2S1/ 2 → 2P1/ 2 , in the electric-dipole approximation as well as the electric-quadrupole and magnetic-dipole approximations is given. The two interactions, within the electric and magnetic dipole approximations, yield identical results, while the electric quadrupole corrections are drastically different. The total transition frequency from the multipolar form is in complete agreement with experiment, indicating that this form is most suitable for perturbative calculations.

The article aims to analyze the Syria crisis management pattern by the great powers within the uni-multipolar system while using the structural realism assumptions. According to the structural realism logic, the change of structure in the international system will lead to the distortion of processes in the international arena, all of which in turn will be an impetus for the great powers to modify their comportment regarding the crisis management. The article elaborates the effects which a uni-multipolar system will have on the great powers’ comportment within the system and how it will affect certain styles of International Syria crisis management envisaged by them? This paper Believes that the constraints enforced by the international system is able to radically change the comportment of the agents, therefore a uni-multipolar system will provide sufficient impetus for creating an “Asymmetrical Balance of Power” in the international arena and especially Syria crisis. The asymmetrical balance of power as a pattern of behavior is endowed with certain characteristics as it allows the formation of coalitions in response to the aggression and sanctions. The paper uses the explanatory-descriptive method and the level of analysis which has been envisaged is the third image or the international level.

The coronary sinus, whose electrical features play an important role in cardiac arrhythmias, is the integral part of the cardiac venous system. Here we describe a 67-year-old male patient with congestive heart failure who was referred to our hospital after the failure of the first cardiac resynchronization therapy defibrillator (CRT-D) implantation. During the cannulation of the coronary sinus, the separate orifice of the posterior cardiac vein was demonstrated by the retrograde filling of the coronary sinus via contrast injection into the posterior cardiac vein. Due to the serious tortuosity of the coronary venous sinus, a multipolar left ventricular lead was implanted using the separate ostium of the posterior cardiac vein. In our patient, the posterior cardiac vein directly drained into the right atrium. At 3 months’ follow-up with the CRT-D, he was asymptomatic (New York Heart Association functional class I).

The Middle East is a geo politically-geo economically sensitive region. In this study, some goals and assumptions are considered, the overall purpose of which is to investigate the impact of the monopoly system on the Middle East. This research is based on a questionnaire. Designed questionnaires are based on Likert and Saatei spectroscopy. Editing and modifying the questionnaire as well as the statistical population of the respondents includes political science experts (Delphi Panel Working Group) is considered. The research hypotheses were based on multivariate decision model (hierarchical analysis model and ideal solution based on similarity model) as well as one-way ANOVA and HSD post hoc test. The results of the research of these models and statistical methods were obtained with Expert Choice 11, Excel 2016 and SPSS 25 software. The results show that the US military invasion of Iraq in 2003 with a value of 0. 2125 is the most important factor in the rise of the monopoly system in international relations. The prospect of international relations also shows that China is 0. 839 nearest to the ideal solution, the main candidate for the overthrow of the hegemonic system in the world and the Middle East and it drives the world system towards multipolarity. Also, in line with existing political philosophies, the United States uses the Hobbesian political philosophy with Sig = 0. 016 more than others, so since 1991 it has usually used the Hobbesian philosophy in the Middle East.

According to theories of International Relations, the future international system is "a multi-polar multi-civilizational system". The brilliant history of Islamic civilization indicates that this civilization is one of the most important rivals of Western civilization. Currently, in the Islamic world, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia and Turkey have more theories about the core of civilization than others. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, posed the issue of "modern Islamic civilization". At the same time, we are witnessing the formation of the "Neo Ottomanism" in Turkey, “ civilizational Islam” in Malaysia and "Wahhabi Islam" in Saudi Arabia. Each of these countries is trying to introduce themselves as the best model about “ civilization Islam” in the Islamic world. The main question of the article is which of these four countries has more civilizational capacities for centering in the Islamic world? Extraction of the civilization elements shows the weaknesses and strengths, and the opportunities and threats of these four countries. According to the findings of the research, the Islamic Republic of Iran has more capacities than others to become the core of civilization in the Islamic world.

Introduction: The Eurasian Economic Union is one of the most sophisticated and ambitious international organizations of the post-Soviet space in terms of institutional design and goals. The initiative to achieve regional integration in part of the Central Eurasia is the result of more than two decades of Russian efforts in forming regional institutions and organizations. This time, Russia, gave up the intention of bring all the former Soviet republics under the umbrella of a single regional organization and preferred to choose those with the least political divergence from Russia and the most economic interdependence with it. So the Eurasian Economic Union might be a useful instrument for deep regional integration unlike its predecessors. Although economic goals and concerns for growth and development have been important throughout all Putin's years, they cannot be considered the only or the most important reason for the emergence of the Eurasian Economic Union. Such an organization, economic functions or at least current economic benefits of which to its most powerful founding member have not yet reached the desired level, is categorically based on a strong intellectual foundation and a long-term vision. Research Question: This article seeks to answer the question of how the perception of Russia's political elites of their country's worthy position in the international system is reflected in the functions of the Eurasian Economic Union as a regional initiative. Research Hypothesis: Eurasian Economic Union is one of the most sophisticated projects which has been designed to represent Russian self-concept as a great power. Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are):Given the nature of the subject under discussion, the present study is a qualitative research that has been written using unresponsive methods of data collection and analysis and relying on the existing quantitative and qualitative data. An analysis of the intellectual roots which have put an impact on the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union has led the author to examine the perception of Russian political elites of their country's appropriate position in the international system and the schools of thought influencing this perception. The formation of regional organizations and integration projects cannot be explained only by examining material and ideational factors and therefore requires using a combination of theoretical approaches. The concept of "great power" is still widely used to analyze the behavior and foreign policy of certain countries and has not lost its relevance. "Great power" is an identity that, for historical reasons, cannot easily be wiped off from the minds of the political elites of some states even despite their severe loss of material resources of power. Most of the great powers of the contemporary world cannot achieve the status of global hegemon. But most of them claim special rights, privileges and responsibilities in certain geographical areas. Mutual recognition of these spheres of influence by other great powers can put a stabilizing effect on the international system. Declining great powers can institutionalize hierarchical orders in their respective region through initiating regional organizations to maintain their sphere of influence. To realize that goal, they can provide more incentives to encourage smaller countries to stay in that regional order. They also may strengthen regional identity and increase economic interdependence among regional countries to bolster their hegemony in that neighborhood. Results and discussion: Russia is the most powerful post-Soviet country in terms of size, military power and economic capabilities. It enjoys a special or strategic relationship with most of the so-called near abroad countries. Russia plays the role of a strategic hub in the post-Soviet region. Active engagement in all regional equations of this part of the globe has been an integral feature of Russian foreign policy for nearly all post-Soviet years. After several consecutive years of dealing with the reluctance of the Euro-Atlantic bloc to acknowledge its identity as a great power and the mere regional power in the post-Soviet space, Russia has begun to further consolidate and institutionalize this role in Central Eurasia. The establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union can be analyzed in this context. The ideological underpinning of the Eurasian Union is the Russian-backed vision that seeks to establish a new center of power in a multipolar world. It can be said that this union, despite its problems, is the most effective regional economic projects led by Russia. As has been emphasized in most theories which explain the role of the great powers in the post-bipolar world, almost none of the great powers can have the chance of achieving global hegemony. But most of them want to remain at the top of the hierarchical order in their traditional sphere of influence, and by maintaining this sphere of influence, they can also play a role in the system of great powers' management at the global level. The power exercised in these spheres of influence today is considerably different from the imperial order and normally does not require reliance on hard power or coercion. The great powers are increasingly encouraging the weaker ones to remain in their sphere of influence by creating and strengthening a regional identity based on shared values and common culture and providing public goods for the small powers in that region. Some great powers have convince other great powers to recognize their position and their rights and responsibilities. Russia has been in such a path in recent years. Conclusion: Russian elites' and public discourse considers this nation a "great power" whose dominance and leadership in a multipolar world is both an inalienable right and an important means of maintaining and consolidating this position. Thus, the institutionalization of this sphere of influence - especially after the numerous transatlantic encroachments on the traditional backyard or near Russia, as well as the West's efforts to force Russia to renounce any claim to membership in the Club of Great Powers - is more highlighted on the agenda. The establishment of Eurasian Economic Union is a serious step made by Moscow to institutionalize the Russian-led regional integration among a group of Central Eurasian countries which on the one hand, are not economically, politically and culturally divergent from Russia, and on the other hand have been reluctant to join those international institutions formed to balance or contain Russia's regional influence. As we move away from the first years of Putin's presidency, we more and more find a Russia which despite siding with the West on many global issues, is unwilling to compromise its regional hegemony.

After Putin came to power and emphasized the concept of a “multipolar world” that refers to Russia’s dominance in the heart of Eurasia, Central Asia has once again been considered as a sphere of influence and a haven for Russia. While Russia is determined to strengthen its influence in the “near abroad,” new uncertainties face the unstable countries of Central Asia. Russia’s foreign policy during Putin’s presidency, with a special emphasis on its relations with the West, has attracted the attention of many analysts and researchers of international relations. To discuss these issues, the article is divided into two main sections: 1) the place of Central Asia in Russian foreign policy and 2) Moscow’s main tool in achieving strategic goals. The present article examines Russia’s influence in Central Asia and focuses on Moscow’s increasing assertiveness in the Central Asian region. Using a geopolitical approach, it seeks to answer the question: What goals did Putin intend to achieve in Central Asia and whether he succeeded in achieving his goals? The hypothesis in question is that geopolitical considerations are the main factors in Russia's approach to Central Asia, which are tied to other factors such as security issues and Russia's policies towards each of the Central Asian countries.

Introduction: At least in the last three decades, the concept of identity and its consequences on the behavior of governments at the regional and international levels have been the focus of attention for researchers and more broadly, critics of traditional theories of international relations. In other words, it is argued that, unlike traditionalists who focus on certain principles in the behavior of actors, to explain the actions of states, one must take seriously the power, preferences, interests and normative structures, that are inextricably linked to the identity of the actors. For example, post-Structuralists argue that the identity of the state is achieved through the inscription of boundaries that mark the 'inside' from the 'outside', the 'self' from the 'other', and “domestic” from “foreign”. Against this background, this research tries to evaluate the process of othering by actors in international arena and answer the basic questions of what othering is. What role does othering play in the identity of actors? In addition to answering the above questions, this study also attempts to evaluate othering in the eastern policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation.Research question: How do the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation try to distinguish themselves from others with the "looking to the east" strategy and what is the common point or intersection of their strategies?Research hypothesis: The research has arguments, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation are trying to distinguish themselves from others (the West) by emphasizing elements such as geography, culture, civilization, ideology, etc. The common point of this distinction is the rejection of the West (especially the United States). Similarities in the Eastern strategy of the two countries, such as the geographical overlap, the emphasis on traditionalism and traditional values (anti-modern) and anti-hegemonic multipolar order also strengthens this common position.Methodology: This research is qualitative, and the author has tried to test the research hypothesis using a descriptive-analytical approach. The data needed to explain the problem is also collected through library studies (authorized articles, books and internet sources). Since the purpose of the research paper is to provide evidence of othering in the search strategy of Iran and Russia, the conceptual framework of othering was used to test the hypothesisResults and discussion: The results of this research show that countries define their identity in the regional and international arena and differentiate themselves from others through the process of othering. This distinction is based on the specific characteristics of each country, which can be cultural, historical, geographical, etc. This othering is an inevitable part of identification. The results of this research also show that identification and foreign determination can be seen largely in the looking east strategy of the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran.Conclusion: Iran and Russia are trying to distinguish themselves from others (especially the West) by referring to their unique geographical, cultural and civilizational features in the form of a look-to-the-east strategy and at the same time they try to attract others (especially Eastern countries) to their side. In the meantime, there are some commonalities between the Russian Federation's and the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategy of looking East, which increase the areas of convergence towards identification and cooperation with each other. The first of these similarities is the geographical overlap. In this context, both countries emphasize regions such as Central Asia and the Caucasus as a region of the East. Regardless of the physical geographical dimension, both countries consider regions such as Latin America in their geopolitical imagination as part of the Looking to the East strategy. The most important point in this context is the non-contradiction of the geographical borders of these two countries.The second similarity between the eastern strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation is that both countries emphasize traditional values. Values such as justice, equality, freedom and similar values that are usually in conflict with modern values (especially the interpretation represented by the United States and European countries in the form of liberalism). Finally, the third feature of the Eastern strategy of these two countries is their emphasis on the anti-hegemonic multipolar order. Based on the interpretation of these countries, there are different countries and civilizations in the international system, each of which has its own characteristics and coordinates, so we cannot have one.