Introduction     One of the most contentious issues in the realm of political science and governance revolves around defining the boundaries and scope of individual and social freedoms in the human society. Additionally, a significant intellectual concern among Islamic thinkers pertains to the extent to which individuals and civic groups can freely act in public domains, and where they must adhere to governmental laws and social requirements. The present study, employing the conceptual framework of hypothetical intuitionism, aimed to address the following question: What is the extent of political freedoms in Islamic society? Essentially, the objective of this article was to delineate the boundaries of individual and social freedoms in the Islamic society and state.Literature ReviewMany articles have been dedicated to exploring the concepts of freedom and liberty within an Islamic state. The prime examples are: “Fundamentals and Principles of Free Thinking from an Islamic Perspective with an Emphasis on the Thoughts of Allameh Tabataba’i” by Hossamuddin Khaltabari, “Islamic State and political Freedom in Islam from the Perspective of Allameh Mohammad Taqi Jafari” by Hossein Moin Abadi, “Thematic Analysis of Security and Freedom of Thought from the Perspective of Imam Khamenei” by Asghar Eftekhari, and “Review of the Definition of Freedom and Public freedoms in the Islamic State” by Yaser Rustaee. However, none of these articles approached the topic within the framework of hypothetical intuitionism.Materials and MethodsThe present article adopted the methodology of hypothetical intuitionism. The term intuition is used here in its conventional philosophical sense, distinct from its popular interpretation in mystical discussions among Muslims. The study employed Rawls’s hypothetical intuitionism approach to construct a specific hypothetical condition which, based on the individual intuition, serves to provide a rational explanation for the research process and its ultimate outcome.ConclusionAccording to the Islamic perspective, the Islamic state upholds freedom of thought, research, expression, and even freedom of belief within scientific domains. However, the extent of freedom of propaganda and freedom of social action depends on considerations of public and national interests. Concerning freedom of political thought, there is an absolute freedom, meaning there are no imposed limitations on political thinking. Furthermore, individuals in scientificand specialized circles enjoy the freedom to express their views and research various political matters, enabling them to share their political perspectives with relevant experts. As individuals share their views and ideas with Muslim political thinkers, a space is created for the exchange of differing opinions and ideas. In addition, freedom of belief indicates that individuals cannot be compelled to adopt a specific political ideology or belief through the use of force or coercion. When individuals decide to disseminate their political ideas in the public sphere, the Islamic state has a responsibility to intervene, considering the significance and potential impact of the issue, in order to prevent the proliferation of harmful and erroneous political ideas. Concerning freedom of speech, it is essential to underline that when political discourse extends beyond scientific and specialized circles and permeates public sphere at large, it falls under the category of freedom of propaganda, encompassing media activities of political movements. In this respect, in order to prevent the manipulation of public opinion, address rumors, and counter the spread of fake news, the government sets some parameters that these movements have to adhere to when conducting media and public activities. For example, it becomes necessary to adhere to certain legal provisions and obtain official permits for publishing a newspaper. In situations where the impact of expression holds greater sensitivity, the response from the Islamic state naturally becomes more robust and prominent. Within the Islamic state, if an individual privately and discreetly engages in activities that oppose the principles and policies of the political system, the government does not have the right to conduct surveillance of the private sphere. However, should the activities against Islamic principles come to the government’s attention, it is incumbent upon the governance system to offer guidance through enjoining good and forbidding evil. Nevertheless, when an individual’s actions and behavior pose a significant and serious threat to the political stability and security, the state resorts to more stringent measures, which in turn may involve restricting some of the individual freedoms of the wrongdoer.

In today’s world, the socio-economic statuses of women and men have evolved; however, the effects of masculine ideologies are still evident, particularly in developing and underdeveloped countries. The function of governments as a shield that protects the interests of men is widely believed to be historically and institutionally related to this inequality of opportunities. As a result, the present paper has investigated the role of political structure and power on gender inequalities using two methods of variance analysis and random forest, as well as over 2500 observations from 94 countries between 1970 and 2020. For this purpose, Hofstede’s cultural dimensions and political rights and civil liberties indicators were implemented. Based on the variance analysis, two dimensions of democratic political structure were found to be significantly involved in the explanation of the disparity between gender development and gender inequality, particularly the primary difference between not-free and partly-free countries and free countries. In order to experience a society with minimal gender discrimination, it is imperative to prioritize civil liberties and political rights, as the random forest results also confirmed. However, the results concerning cultural characteristics are exceedingly susceptible to fluctuations and are contingent upon the sample or gender index . A policy trade-off between gender freedom and development is not presented to policymakers in developing and underdeveloped countries; rather, they are presented with an all-or-nothing choice. Reducing gender inequality and achieving a free political system are two aspects of the same coin.

What are the prerequisites for economic development? What system should countries choose in the economic and political structures to achieve economic prosperity? Theoretically, there are some implications that political freedom is necessary for economic freedom and economic development. In fact, it is the choice of a democratic political structure that puts countries on the path of development. Of course, some believe that political freedom is not a necessary condition, and countries can move towards development without political freedom. Accordingly, , there are two general views regarding the development process. On one hand, some believe that development is a fierce process that requires an iron fist. As a result, political and economic freedoms can be postponed until per capita income increases sufficiently. On the other hand, others consider development as a friendly process and believe that a growth-oriented strategy will be possible along with the strengthening of political and social freedoms. The present paper evaluates the role of political and economic freedoms to achieve human development. TIn this regard, the Freedom House, Fraser’s Economic Freedom, and Human Development Indices for 119 countries from the 1970 to 2018 (including 2497 observations) were collected. The findings showed that the level of political freedom explains the difference in human development and its sub-indicators (per capita income, education, and health) among countries in the world. The role of economic freedom is also weakly confirmed for the 1990s onwards. Therefore, human development is not possible without the expansion of civil liberties and political rights based on democracy, although the democracy alone may not be enough.

socio-political metatheories based on ontological and epistemological foundations, could be devided to different objectivist and subjectivist fronts.According to such a devide, different interpretation of individual-society and agent structure could be renderd. In contrast, critical metatheories that seek to transcend the contradiction between objectivity-subjectivity in the individual-society and agent structure relation, render some kinde of critical approach that at the same time conciders the positive and negative capabilities of both fronts in representing the socio-political reality. Critical realism as an total approach to philosophy of science in the first place, introduce the critical naturalism as a metatheorical foundation in respect of socio-political ontology and epistemology to transcend the objectivity sujectivity dichotomy between individual-society and agent-structure. The importance of such transcending especially in the realm of political theory is that it brings with itself a realistic justification of theory-practice rationality that relates to the objectivity-subjectivity and fact-value distinction.

It has been a few decades since the first contemporary studies about metaphor. Conceptual metaphor has a special position within different literary theories, which are constantly incorporating new perspectives into metaphor research in conjunction with the other fields of study. Based on the theory of cognitive metaphor, metaphors exist everywhere and essentially it is the metaphorical structures that affect the people’s understanding. Therefore, we encounter different questions, which include, “what’s the nature of the addressee’s relations with metaphor?”, “can metaphor be effective in persuading the people to accept or reject a certain imposed attitude?”, “which variables can increase or decrease the persuasive impact of metaphor, and what should be the features of each of these variables?” To answer these questions, this study capitalizes on the previous literature as the theoretical backing of its model and presents the persuasive metaphor model based on Hovland’s persuasion model, exploring its variable characteristics. Therefore, inspired by the four variables of McGuire, Wood, and Eagly, we have proposed five variables and investigated the theoretical features of each of them in line with the characteristics of metaphorical relationship for the persuasive communications of metaphor.

Democracy is one of the main topics of interest in contemporary sociology. In this regard, the present study attempts to analyze the sociological tendency amongst Tehrani citizens to democracy. The tendency for democracy has been examined in socio-political opportunities, socio-political freedoms, and secularism terms. We did a survey and conducted a multi-stage cluster sampling to draw a sample. The sample consisted of 604 Tehrani citizens over 20 years old. The results indicated that these citizens have a positive or relatively positive tendency toward democracy. Moreover, the study of social factors affecting the tendency to democracy showed that there is a significant relationship between independent variables of age, cultural capital and economic capital and the dependent variable of the tendency to democracy. The regression results showed that the research regression model consisting of 3 independent variables and one dependent variable is a suitable model and can predict the changes in the tendency for democracy.

In Zuhajjah 18 A H. / June 17, 656 A D., the third caliph of Rashidun was killed by Bedouin Muslims, while the Hazarit Muslims did not support him. To describe this phenomenon, some historic points of those days must be studied. These points, which are not suitably considered till now, can be itemized in three items: Muslim Bedouins and their background, superiority of Banu Umayya in Uthmanic era and the caliphs economic policies. In this article, the writer studies these points.

In the numerous books and articles written on the Elamites, scholars rarely, if ever, have advanced any hypothesis on the formation of the early Elamite state organizations and how these organizations and the archaeological and historical landscapes of Elam, both in the highlands and lowlands, have differed from the contemporary political landscape of their Mesopotamian neighbors. Similarity, scholars simply ignore the tremendous difference between the natural landscape of Elam and southern Mesopotamia. This article focuses on these differences and traces them from the prehistoric era to the time when the long-lasting Elamite state was eclipsed in the first millennium BC. In doing so, the author pays close attention to the broad patterns revealed in the numerous archaeological surveys in southwestern Iran.

In this study, using economic freedom indices including: rule of law, limited government, regulatory efficiency and market freedom, political freedom, including: civil liberties, political rights and freedom of the press, variables of quality of governance and personal freedom and its impact on human development index in 147 countries for the period 2008-2015 using panel data analysis, the Amartya Sen's "development as freedom" theory emphasizing personal freedom has been tested. The study results show that all kinds of freedoms to achieve development are important and all of them should be paid enough attention to. However, the effectiveness of regulation and personal freedom index represents the greatest impact on the human development index. Survey indicators suggest that increased rule of law among society and government, improve in regulations, improve in market liberty, and decreased government interference in economy will lead to improvements in human development. By examining political freedom index also shows that both indices of civil liberties and political rights and Press Freedom had positive and negative effects on the human development index, respectively. The results also indicated that the indices of quality of governance and personal freedom also has a positive effect on the human development index.

In spite of its simultaneity with the birth of the industry in Europe, emergence of cinematic production and consumption in our country, Iran, paved a different road, namely a socio-politically challenged one. Indeed, though Mozaffaredin Shah was a great supporter, other parties, such as the businessmen, clergies, the bureaucratic statesmen and even the allied powers who had occupied the country during the WWII, had their own reasons to affect the direction of new-born industry. In such an atmosphere, cinema has encountered different challenges and had to overcome various disputes with different social agencies whose leaders aimed to control the industry under their socio-political ambitions. Exploring the documents and the historical texts, the present study attempts to study the socio-political challenges cinema has encountered at the dawn of its presence in Iran.