RESEARCH LETTER OF POLITICAL SCIENSE
Year:2009 | Volume:4 | Issue:1 (13)|Papers Count:8

The present article deals with the character of Aga Mohammad Khan, the founder of Qajar dynasty, based on Alfred Adler's theory. It takes into account the fundamental concept of this theory, i.e. social inferiority and other relevant concepts such as voluntarism and life style towards knowing the political character and behavior of Aga Mohammad Khan Qajar. Various dimensions of his castration and its social outcomes during his being hostage in Karimkhan Zand's court in Shiraz as well as the social consequences of his inferiority as a castrated man in the reign of Aga Mohammad Khan i.e. succeeding to the throne, preserving the power and monarchy, and striving towards its establishment in Qajar family are investigated in the article. According to the writer, the life of Aga Mohammad Khan is an evidence for the veracity of Adler's theory. Adler s theory can clarify numerous ambiguities in the political behavior of Aga Mohammad Khan explaining them in a theoretical system.

Nowadays we are living in an ever-increasing process of the media coverage of our whole life. Thus, the media are increasingly involved in beyond-national processes changing into businesses and getting out of the government control and supervision. New technologies are playing a big role in changes of the process of media .Electronic media have bestowed upon man a close and direct communication and mutual interaction. New media have augmented the access of the citizens, politicians, and statesmen to information. They have accelerated the collection, accumulation, and distribution of information, eliminating all spatiotemporal limitations and providing the recipients with an opportunity to have more control over it. These media have also helped the sender with contraction and expansion of information, and have provided an opportunity for interaction between sender and receiver of information. In spite of all these extensive developments in terms of the functions and roles of media at the contemporary age, media can still be described as a two-edged sword: creating both the ailment and the remedy, bringing identity, and at the same time eliminating it. They create and contain the crises both. The present article attempts to study this two-edged nature of the media in the context of the identity concerns of the contemporary man and the Iranian society.

Rejecting representationalism, Rorty argues that a pragmatist abandons the concept of "truth" altogether. This does not mean, however, that all propositions are equally acceptable or that we can do without making a distinction between warranted and unwarranted or acceptable or unacceptable statements. Following Dewey, he claims that truth is the name of whatever proves to be good in the way of belief, whatever helps us to cope with our environment and our community. Warranted statements can be justified to the members of such a community and reinforce our solidarity with them, whereas unwarranted statements cannot be justified to them and weaken our solidarity with them. Hence, Rorty's account of inquiry is basically ethnocentric, that is the methods and criteria of inquiry are determined by the community with which we identify. This paper is a critical analysis of Rorty's solidarity based account of inquiry.

Abdurrahim Talebof Tabrizi is one of the intellectuals of the Constitutional Revolution era in Iran who, in contrast to many of his contemporary intellectuals, did not address rulers and kings and sought to write for the people. Recognizing the scientific backwardness of the country and inefficiency of Qajar rule, he was keen on finding a solution to save the country. Dwelling on Thomas A. Spragens' theoretical framework that links the emergence of political thoughts to social and political crises, this article seeks to highlight Talebofs political thought by exploring the answers he provided for the following questions: (1) how could the society be saved from scientific backwardness and the government from despotism and disorder? (2) What form of government is desirable? (3) How should one deal with Western civilization? (4) What is the meaning of liberty? (5) How should one deal with religion and existing social traditions? Talebofs original books and writings will serve as my main source of documentation of social and political context of his time.

One of the major rights of women is participation in political and social affairs and taking the responsibilities in micro-and macro-ranks in management. Fortunately, women have proved their ability and competence in various positions in the Islamic Republic of Iran to obtain such responsibilities. In the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, women have the same right as men to vote and be voted thus participating and taking political and social responsibilities. However, as it is implied in article 115 of the constitution, the gender matters in taking the presidency as the highest official position in Iran after the leadership. Therefore, women cannot take this responsibility. This interpretation is based on religious beliefs and rules of religious jurisprudence. Thus, the study, deals with the issue from the viewpoint of religious jurisprudence and the arguments for prohibiting women from presidency. It also studies exactly the viewpoint of constitution, affirming the competence of women and eliminating the wrong beliefs surrounding this issue.

Nowadays, extremist groups and terrorist organizations active in the Muslim World are following ways and mechanisms not applicable to Islamic doctrines at all. In spite of this, they consider their actions the only correct form to revive Islamic principles. This essay studies the massive proliferation of this thought by rereading the process of its formation. Decoding the myths of Seyyed Qutb, the present article analyses the capacity and limitations of his thought in the formation of the mentality of radical Islamists. In effect, the technical analysis of the worldview and metaphors of Seyyed Qutb makes clear the potentiality of institutional environment formed in the Middle East toward creating and recreating fundamentalism and terrorism.

The present study aims at exploring the coup d' etat which led to Mosaddeq's removal from power in August 19, 1953 considering the strategies taken to control the Army. This study hypothesizes that the strategies taken to control the Army stood in sharp contrast with those strategies taken to preserve the Royal Regime. Whenever called for more control over the Army, Mosaddeq came to back off to avoid putting the Royal Regime into trouble. Mosaddeq showed a great deal of hesitation in making people rise up against the coup and bringing the challenge under control on the on hand, and 'preserving the Royal Regime on the other hand. This was the very cause of his failure in the face of coup makers. Such a hesitation came to make the situation ripe for the coup and pave the way for his removal from power.