ISLAMIC REVOLUTION STUDIES
Year:2018 | Volume:14 | Issue:51 |Papers Count:11

IRI, as one of the great revolutions, has been of many outcomes. The present research, through the very extensive reflections of the IRI, addresses some of its political achievements and outcomes being of two main characteristics: first, these achievements have been institutionalized in Iran after the revolution and the second, such achievements have been cases inspiration for all Muslims. The study with an analytical and universally-viewed approach has studied the question: what may be regarded as the political effects of IRI. As understood by the study, most important political outcomes of the Iranian revolution can be counted as political independence, new political institutions, religious democracy and unity in the Islamic world. The revolution led to the unity of religious leadership and political leadership as a phenomenon having been realized in the early Islam, especially during the reign of the Prophet (S).

A survey of the impact of cooperation between the state and the nation in IRI is very essential and notable for perceiving its national security. The paper, therefore, has studied the question: what may be regarded as the impact of cooperation between the state and the nation in IRI? Answering the question, the researcher, inspired by systemic view, viewed that, contrary to the situation before revolution, after the revolution the state roused among the public and, being influenced by religious teachings and revolutionary leaders` thought and Iranian and Islamic political culture, took the form of a system. In this way, the cooperation played an important and vital part in the critical situations like imposed war and the treats of nation security.

Soft sources of power in Imam Khomeini's political thought is the problem of the paper. Based on the theory of classification of sciences in Imam Khomeini`s view, man has three dimensions: occult and spiritual, purgatorial and imaginary, intuitive and earthly. On this view, soft sources of power may be presented under three titles: belief, ethics and behavior behavioral with an exploratory analytical method. In the dimension of belief, the only source of power is Allah, The Almighty, and the more human beings connect with God, the more power they have. In moral aspect, all ethical virtues are the source of power, and powerful people must be qualified by them more than others. In the field of behavior, among the numerous sources, rites, propaganda and education are highlighted; because it affects public power and will. These three dimensions of power are totally interconnected so that the strength and weakness of each affect the others. According to this view, the important tasks of hawzah, university, the media, the government and the Islamic system are to explain the place and importance of the soft power resources and, consequently, to pay more attention to Islamic culture, the belief in God in society and its link with the power beyond soft.

In the history of the Islamic Revolution, there is found moments taken the form of various points in the discourse of the revolution in such a manner that the revolution can be understood and perceived by them. Aban 13th of is one of the most important of these moments. This research deals with a qualitative approach to the ethics of participants in the Aban 15th March of 1395 in Tehran. It is intended to study the effects of the march as viewed by participants, their motives and characteristics. The method of the study is qualitative including 31 participants. A systematic analysis has been used to analyze the data and findings. As findings and outcomes show, the participants viewed the symbolic functions of keeping alive the events of Aban 13th, educational and training effects on the young generation, reinforcement of solidarity and social solidarity, and moving towards legitimizing the system and supporting the people`s sense of independence-seeking. Performing religious duty, stepping in the path of beliefs and individual and social values, contributing to the representation and reproduction national power against oppression and following the leader`s ideas may be counted among their motivation and goals.

The Pahlavi government tried to use and serve the cinema form in accordance with its demands, and, to a large extent, it succeeded. Therefore, in this paper, it has been attempted to study the cinema of Iran in the political and cultural developments of the period leading up to the Islamic revolution based on the theory of the social role of mass media and their impact on the transformation of values of societies. In the same vein, the research hypothesis is based on the fact that cinema, as a government media, taken as a media for propagating cultural, social, political, and even economic policies, provided caricature-like and incomplete pictures of Iran's developments and conditions. The fact ultimately led to factors such as the outbreak of vulgarity in the body of Persian cinema; this media`s support of the government led to the public disillusion of the cinema as one of the main elements of the Pahlavi's cultural, political and social structure during popular protests and oppositions against the propaganda tool of Pahlavi's rule and, in this way, supported revolution.

Appearance of believer artists may be regarded as one fruit of the Islamic Revolution in the ground of social culture; in this way, such works as posters were created and contributed greatly to the goals of the Islamic Revolution. This paper, with a cultural and historical approach, seeks to study the semantic role and dimensions of the posters produced from beginning of the Islamic Revolution to the end of the imposed war. The main problem of the research lies in the recognition and classification of the subject-matter of the posters in the history of revolution. This issue will be followed by two questions including: 1-how many classes may the components of the posters of the first decade of the revolution be classified in? 2-How may the visual characteristics of the posters of the decade as an awakening propagating be evaluated? In this study, the content analysis method and library-based technique were used. The research gave a classification and analysis of the existing themes is the posters of the Islamic Revolution.

The present study has intended to describe, produce and reproduce justice based on the three sources of Islamic political system, for macro policies and the effectual role of justice in social development and political and social decision making. The conceptual and theoretical basis of the research topics is based on Islamic thought and Imam Khomeini's view in his books of "Sharh-e hadith-e Junud-e `Aql wa Jahl" and "Sharh-e Chehel Hadith". As understood, on Imam Khomeini's thought, human has existential tensions, including: wisdom, soul and body, and religion includes beliefs, ethics and feqh. Therefore, the paper seeks to explain the levels of justice in three axes of belief, ethics and feqh, as well as their impact on each other.

Religious scholars` aim of participating political affairs during Pahlavi`s ruling was the fact of opposing tyranny and preserving the independence of the country. Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Golpayegani criticized the cultural practices of the Pahlavi regime in Islamophobia and believed that the regime, preventing political freedom, has intended to prevent religious scholars` socio-political activities. Though agreeing with the reforms, they considered the method taken for executing it as being unconformable with current conditions in the country, and, especially, Imam Khomeini regarded Shah's actions as a corruption leading to tyranny, backwardness and dependence on global capitalism. Findings of the research indicate that despite some differences, there is a significant convergence in the purpose and practice of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Golpayegani in relation to the 15th Khordad uprising as Savak documents show. The study tries to explain the mechanisms of influential measures of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Golpayegani in the uprising of khordad 15th with a document and library-based method.

This paper seeks to study Imam Khomeini's views, analyzes the Islamic revolution and proposes a discussion that may be regarded as a comprehensive look at the most important phenomenon of the 20th century. Imam Khomeini's reputation in feqahat and marja`iyat has led to a lack of attention to the philosophical, ethical, mystical and Quranic exegetic approaches in analyzing the revolution. Main question of the study follows as: how may one consider and use different approaches in analyzing the Islamic revolution on the basis of Imam Khomeini's thought and avoid single-sightedness? The claim is that one, relying on Imam`s works, can use a comprehensive approach in the field. A three-dimensional framework considerable Imam Khomeini`s works can provide a comprehensive analysis of the Islamic Revolution.

The distinction between the model of religious democracy and other models of religious government lies in the special attention paid to the role of the people, people`s accountability and trust to the state, the fact understandable with the word efficiency, when speaking of social capital. On the other hand, producing social capital may not occur with mere use of ideological resources and provide public faithfulness to the sovereignty as a ground for managing society. In fact, today, especially due to the widespread cultural and social developments in Iran, the scope for producing legitimacy as an important social capital for the state has gone beyond the religious factor and tied to the efficiency factor (economic and social). The role of effectiveness in deepening and stabilizing religious democracy with regard to social capital, therefore, is the main issue of this research? As explained in the paper, the efficiency would lead to more social capital and, consequently, to stability of the religious democratic system by increasing the level of trust and bilateral action between the political system and the nation. In fact, efficiency can serve as a link between the production of social capital and the deepening of religious democracy.