Journal of Historical Researches
Year:2011 | Volume:46 | Issue:4 (8)|Papers Count:7

By the end of nineteenth century some countries that had had trade relations with Iran established a quarantine organization in the southern ports. This was due to the spreading of cholera and pestilence; especially in those regions as well as to a significant number of casualties. Later, this organization was adapted as a tool of colonial influence in order to pressurize the Iranian government.On the one hand, the fact that the quarantines were placed in critical frontiers caused a lot of problems for both the governments and people scattering quarrels in frontier quarantines and excessive letters between Iran and Ottoman. However, on the other, religious beliefs and desires to visit holy and sacred places in Iraq caused people to not to admit to these quarantines. As a result sometimes contumacy of its accomplishment caused great loss off population, like that of the 1891 events that brought about many casualties. Of course in addition to people’s religious beliefs and low cultural educations, there were other difficulties like that of officials and governmental misuse of people during the quarantine. This article aims to examine the major effects of quarantines both within the Iranian borders and its outside relations.

With the arrival of Islam in Iran simultaneously with its expansion, Zoroastrians faced social, political and cultural deprivation. Consequently some of them converted to Islam and only a minor group remained faithful to their faith. Though their number decreased in Iran until the start of the Qajar period, by the end of this era, they had a significant role in commerce. The foundation of firms, like: Jamshidian, Jahanian, Yeganegi, indicates their commercial power. These firms were involved in affairs such as: exchange, banking and landing. Zoroastrians were perceived as honest and truthful people, resulting in the government trusting them. With the succession of the Constitutional Movement in Iran, Zoroastrians as one of the religious minorities elected Arbab Jamshid, a commercially powerful man, as their parliamentary representative. Thus after a period of several centuries Zoroastrian community came out of an isolation. But the success of these firms did not last long, and finally with interference from foreign citizens like that of the Russians, the firms eventually turned bankrupt.

In recent years, proceeding written data based on oral histories has been considered as part of the oral traditions of oral history. The fundamental error of this view is clear when defining the term “oral history”, which is: the act of collecting historical data based on narratives and stories that have been quoted orally. This definition precedes the scientific method of “oral history”, i.e. gathering historical information based on targeted, active and informed interviews.Oral history is fundamentally different from that of oral tradition; oral tradition is a way of transmitting general cultural issues from one generation to another. In different societies oral traditions share some similarities with each other despite the fact that various factors such as race, religion as well as natural and human geography have caused fundamental differences.Oral history, as used currently, refers to the act of collecting evidence and documents, through various scientific methods, mainly active interviewing. Previously, portable voice recorders were commonly used which was employed scientifically and more extensively; thus, it were possible to store the oral evidence. Moreover, the expansion and development of democracy in the modern world spreads the functions of such methods to all classes and strata of civil society. This paper aims to, in addition to revising of oral tradition, to provide further details on its background and functions in different communities. Also an analytical comparison between oral tradition and oral history will be discussed.

Developing the military structure is one of the distinctive features of the Pahlavi dynasty in the 1970s. The Pahlavi government, took new political and security roles affected by some integrated international and internal factors, which rapidly converted into a focal point for the west. The dynasty succeeded in building its military machine. The result was an increase in Iran’s military and political movements and interventions both territorially and extraterritorially, which happened during the last decade of Pahlavi’s reign.The present article aims at surveying militarism and its effect on foreign policies of the Pahlavi government. Subsequently, adopting militarism as an international and foreign policy, imposed heavy expenses on the regime. Its regional consequences, led to rapid foreign policy disintegration of the Pahlavi regime.

This revolt took place in Tranoxiana in 749 during the early months of the reign of the Abbasid Caliphate. Sharik-b Sheikh al-Mohri was the first revolt, with Shiīte thought, rising against the new caliphate, whom succeeded in gathering a lot of supporters around himself, including both the Arabs and the Iranians residing in that area. The main motive for them was the Abbasid’s intrigue. Their motto of "Al- Rreza men Al-i Mohammad" (to obey the descendants of Muhammad), which showed how they meant to hand over the caliphate to the descendants of Ali. This movement was spread among the Shiītes of Tranoxiana and took over the whole area, from Forghana to Soghd and Kharazm. Later, it was repressed into failure by Abu muslim and his commander, Ziad b. Salih al Khozaii. This paper examines the major causes of this revolt in Tranoxiana, and how its background lead to intellectual, religious and social bases. The reasons as to why people participated in this revolt, in responce to Sharik’s invitation, will also be discussed. Finally the factors contributing to the deficiencies of the sources and the outcomes of the rebels will be examined.

Safavid era was the first and most comprehensive experiment in the interaction of religious leadership with political institution following the establishment of Shi’ism as the official religion in Iran. On one hand, in this period and particularly in the times of Shah Esma’il 1501-1523, the first fundamentals of the political institution behavior in the political, economic, and social fields formed by description and explanation of the religious leadership. On the other hand, this circumstance caused insight differences amongst the clergy, which were followed by compiling argumentative treatises. In this article, the attention is on Mohaqqeq al-Karaki's life and his manner of practical and theoretical behaviour as one of the most effective jurists of sixteenth century in confrontation with Safavid rule in era of Shah Esma’il I. His vivid presence and participation in the first problems of Shah Tahmasb rule (1523-1576) has allowed less opportunity for a critical outlook versus his position in era of Esma’il I. The position which theoretically formed with compiling treatise in the subjects of Kharaj, Friday prayer and deputyship (niyaba) theory; and in some cases were challenged from clergymen including Sheikh Ebrahim al-Qatifi and Mir Jamal-o-Din Astarabadi. The aim of this research is to examine conceptually these treatises using information from other sources along with explanation of his behaviour and connections with the society, Safavid rule and religious policies in particular.

The most important topological document of the Achaemenid period is the Bistun inscription, which has not been put to careful study, can help in the comparison of Bistun toponyms with that of present Iran. This article has pursued some argumental points between Darius and vehyazdat on the Bistun inscription, comparing them linguistically and historically in the Lurestan province, moving onto a map route beginning with the land Yautia. Later we arrive at Raxa city in which the fight has temporarily come to an end; according to the Bistun inscription. Vehyazdat begun to assemble the forces, after escaping, the fight befell in Paishiuvada. Based on this historical occurrence, we have concluded that some toponyms in the Bistun inscription bear references to that of scientific views, phonetic evolutions and provincial geography.