FOREIGN RELATIONS
Year:2010 | Volume:2 | Issue:5|Papers Count:7

Regionalism is widely considered as one of the requirements for integration in the process of globalization. This applies also to Southwest Asia, which, for a host of factors, still has to contend with a number of challenges at the level of regional integration. Historical problems in the relations between regional countries and the continuation of inter-state tension have slowed the process in the region. In fact, it can be argued that regional integration in this region is subject to three kinds of reaction: one, a passive and repellent reaction resulting from the increasing danger of globalization a la North; two, a passive and yet attractive reaction in the form of absorption into Southwest Asia; and three, a mobilizing reaction as a preventive measure in the struggling against the North. Each of these three categories of reaction has its proponents and opponents within the region. The present article intends to look into the implications of strategic choices in the region, and will also argue that the imposition of ideals on the social realities of others-allies, in this case-could transform ideals into nightmares.

The EU–US relations can be explained from the vantage point of different outlooks. While a culture–based outlook argues that common cultural and civilization infrastructures drive the EU and the US towards adopting similar and concerted views on international issues, a policy–based outlook believes that both the EU and the US are committed to democratic values, and their common political and value foundations lead to coordination between their stances, including with regard to peace among liberal countries and war against authoritarian regimes. The third outlook, based on realism and power politics, argues that national interests lie at the heart of the international system and policies and that power is the main instrument for attaining goals. According to this outlook, the EU and the US opt for converging positions only on those issues where and when their respective national interests so require. The present article will try to provide a theoretical framework for the intra-Atlantic and transatlantic relations and on that basis will look into the convergence and divergence of outlooks and policies in three areas: political-security relations (intra-Atlantic); international relations and economic relations (transatlantic). The article will also have a look at Iran’s outlook with regard to transatlantic relations.

Pakistan has always enjoyed a special geopolitical importance and strategic status for the US, both during and after the Cold War. And Washington has considered Islamabad as one of its most important security links in the area. The 9/11 event and the new US strategy for the “War on Terror” - as a new concept for maintaining US strategic stability on a global scale – placed Pakistan at the forefront of the struggle against terrorism. Indications are that the US did, in fact, pressure Islamabad into taking active part in the anti–terror coalition through a carrot and stick policy. But, despite the fact that Pakistan has joined the US-led anti-terror coalition and has also pledged to fight against extremism, there exist ample indications pointing to its covert support for Taliban. This article tries to look into Pakistan's reservations in its cooperation with the US in the “War on Terror.” The authors argue in this article that Pakistan's ‘faithful’ cooperation with the US in this regard depends on the US reciprocal helping hand in a number of areas of strategic importance to Islamabad, most notably Durand line with Afghanistan, and the Kashmir dispute with India.

Given Iran’s long-time reliance on the production and export of oil, and its prominent position in OPEC, it would go without saying that there exists an inevitable close link between Iran’s oil policy its foreign policy. Analysis of the past approaches and policies indicate that the optimal situation has been achieved whenever foreign policy has been orientated in such a manner as to make the most out of compatibility with the rules and regulations of the international system. The same also applies to Iran’s international and regional cooperation. While maintaining its traditional prominent position within OPEC, including in terms of the level of production and export, Iran should undertake to enhance its productive capacity and ensure economic development with a view to preserving its dominant regional position. This article looks into the links between the oil and foreign policy of Iran during the 1997-2005 period.

Barack Obama’s new policy towards Afghanistan and Pakistan -AF-Pak- declared in the US White Paper in March 2009 is, in fact, the roadmap for his administration to deal with the Afghanistan situation. Development of the new policy, as also underlined by the US administration, was made necessary by the continuation and worsening of the difficult situation the US and NATO faced in their fight against the Taliban in various parts of Afghanistan. This article tries to look into the factors that forced Washington to formulate the new policy, which implies that the US and NATO have failed after 8 years to succeed in their struggle against the Taliban and establish peace and stability in Afghanistan. It also appears that the Taliban have been able to continue their military operations and create and maintain instability in Afghanistan. As discussed in the article, the new US policy involves some changes in the war management, as well as political approaches towards deterring US regional allies from cooperating with Taliban and solving security problems in South Asia. The policy intends to place a higher emphasis on using Afghan domestic capacities.

This article undertakes to study the rail transit link between Iran and Afghanistan, drawing on an international political economy approach as well as on a method called "international affairs engineering." In light of the reconstruction of East–West corridor between Iran, Afghanistan and other neighboring countries, the aim of the article is to explore the ways and means for enhancing Iran’s capacities at the international level through promotion of regional and international cooperation. The East-West corridor is being reconstructed along the ancient route that had been constructed by Iran and been in operation between 500 B.C. and 1500 A.D. The route, along with its north-south tributaries, had become the most trafficked route, but fell into decay as of early 16th century. The revival of this ancient land corridor, through the financial contributions of both public and private sectors, can help Iran and other interested countries to expand and develop their infrastructures and enhance their economic and commercial exchanges and cooperation, which would also contribute to their interactions with the bigger region and ultimately, the global system.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the demise of the ruling Communist ideology which led to the emergence of a relatively open atmosphere in Russia, Central Asia and the Caucasus also witnessed the revival of Islamist currents and tendencies in these areas. The new situation and atmosphere was also utilized by other countries and forces outside of the region for their own political and cultural objectives. Mysticism, which as a religion-based current had survived Communist repression, has gained popularity throughout the region in the post-Soviet era. Moreover, it appears to be considered in the bigger region as a strong obstacle militating against the propagation of extremist currents such as Wahabism. With this picture in mind, the authors undertake to study the historical role of mysticism in the spread of Islam in the region, and assess its current and future role, especially from the vantage point of Iran’s long-term interests and interactions with the region.