STRATEGIC STUDIES OF PUBLIC POLICY (STRATEGIC STUDIES OF GLOBALIZATION JOURNAL)
Year:2018 | Volume:8 | Issue:28 |Papers Count:19

Paris Agreement was approved as a strategic document aimed at directing environmental policy in the world in 2015. It has been designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and in order to achieve such goal، adopting a bottom-up structure، it provided for the parties to determine the extent and scope of their obligations to mitigate these gases considering their capabilities. Under Paris Agreement، parties have a binding obligation of conduct to communicate NDC’ s. Countries are facing with difficulties when preparing their NDC’ s and other countries experiment will be significantly helpful for Iran in this area. This paper، in addition to studying two significant principles in states’ obligation in their NDCs، can pave the way for policy-makers to let them know to recognize the type of Iran’ s obligations in its NDC and how such contributions are prepared. This study shows that Paris Agreement، although، did not develop any guidelines for preparing NDC’ s، it established a new framework resulting in increased transparency and indicating individual and collective progress of states in mitigation.

In this study we investigate the impact of economic and commercial sanctions on Iran's trade relations and their major trading partners in framework of generalized gravity model with using panel data econometric model and annual data during 1375_1394. results show that weak sanctions has less negative impact on Iran's export and import values، but strong sanctions has considerable negative impact on Iran's commercial goods export and import values. So actions taken for the purpose of decrease or removing sanctions against Iran such as joint comprehensive plan of action (JCPOA) will able to lead Iran's trade relations with their major trading partners to the economic boom.

Throughout centuries، Iran and Afghanistan have experienced almost peaceful neighborly، through presence in a common civilian and geographic context. Of course، this territorial proximity with some other causes، has created a contradiction، especially as regards the rate of exploitation of shared river water. Two sides have so far resorted to managing disputes in different ways، but have not had a clear outcome. This article is intended to explain and introduce economic diplomacy as a profitable element and an effective leverage in managing disputes between the two countries. In this regard، using the "qualitative method" (explanation and analysis)، this hypothesis is assessed that "the interdependence of the economy and trade of Afghanistan and Iran and the existence of complementary economic capabilities and advantages، provide opportunity to engage the Afghan side to manage the water disputes". In this research، with emphasis on "economic diplomacy" in Iran's foreign policy in Afghanistan، findings such as exports، transit of goods، export of electricity and mechanized irrigation technology to Afghanistan، and the exchange of oil products with water are expressed that accordingly، expansion and deepening of commercial، financial and investment affiliation could encourage and persuade the sides to achieve a fair solution to use shared waters.

Iran and Afghanistan have paid attention to Port Chabahar in 2014 – 2017 for increase interaction economic and politic. But what is the role Port Chabahar in the integration between two countries’ not been measured and this article want apply scientific mythology for this purpose. The main question this article is which strategy and what condition can efficiency in increasing function Port Chabahar to integration and increasing economic indicators. For answer to this question we applied method SWOT in narrative analysis system. The research hypothesis is as follows for possibility integration Iran must choice Dé tente in international relation specially from great power to reduce economic sanctions and improve transit infrastructure and create facility Port. This article analysis that Port Chabahar could play special role for extend relation between two country. Afghanistan and Iran have many problem in the political relation and all the time could not reach the solution for your demand. Policymaking in Afghanistan suffering from geographic isolation and for compotation to Pakistan need reduce depended to Karachi port. Iran also need Afghanistan for solve the shortage water and crisis environment that all problems reach the result if Afghanistan entrance to relationship politic and strategic economy to Iran. Port Chabahar can apply for all the problem between two countries because when Iran help to Afghanistan to escape from isolation can expect this country pay water right Hamon lake to Iran and reduce some of environment crisis.

The Islamic Republic of Iran، as one of the influential actors in the developments in Syria from the outbreak of the crisis in this country with the full support of Syria، has used all its influence and capacity to consolidate this government and move in pursuit of maintaining and enhancing its national interests and strengthening the axis of resistance in the region. The current research seeks to answer the main question of what are the challenges and consequences of foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the Syrian crisis? The findings of the paper indicate that، following the adoption of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to the Syrian crisis، any possible scenarios in the future of the country's crisis can have very significant positive and negative consequences for Iran's foreign policy and its regional interests which can affect Iran's ability to act in the political scene of the region. The leading research seeks to present solutions to the challenges in the framework of rational choice theory through a descriptive-analytical method.

From the first days، the Syrian crisis was not only the area of internal conflict، but also a field for the interconnected or opposite interests of different regional and transnational actors. So the future of Syria will affect the interests of these actors. Given the importance of preserving or removing Assad from power in the future of Syria، the paper ties to answer to this question: preserving or removing Bashar al-Assad what are the opportunities and challenges for the Islamic Republic of Iran? To answer this question، we have used the future study method (exploratory approach) and the scenario technique. The research findings show that there are four possible scenarios according to existing trends: first: preservation of Bashar al-Assad-consolidation of Iran’ s influence; second: preservation of Bashar al-Assad-consolidation of Russia’ s influence-reduction of Iran’ s influence; third: preservation of Bashar al-Assad-the division of power among the Kurds، the Alevis and the Sunnis; and fourth: Assad’ s removal from power-reduction of Iran’ s influence-increasing the influence of Iran regional rivals. Evidence shows that the second scenario is the most likely scenario.

the events of the Arab Spring and especially those in Syria، Bahrain and Yemen on the one hand and signing JCPOA between Iran and the P5 + 1 on the other hand، the competition has turned into hostility and contributed to the severance of diplomatic relations between the two countries. This study considers the objective issues arising from geopolitical factors and regional interests as the reason of confrontation between the two countries، and immaterial factors such as identity and ideology are only exacerbating the mentioned conflict. The most important factor in reducing tensions between Iran and Saudi is a shared understanding on regional and geopolitical interests. Negotiations between the two countries to recognize each other's sphere of influence in the region could be the first step to detente. Therefore، it is suggested that Iran prioritizes some crises (such as Syria and Iraq) and Saudi Arabia gives priority to Bahrain and Yemen crises to recognize the influence of each other in these countries and resolve their disputes. Mediation between the two countries by Oman could pave the ground for related negotiations.

The Gulf Cooperation Council has suffered from tensions and internal disputes over the course of its 36 years، with the Qatari government being a party to these tensions; Because Qatar never fully embraced Saudi Arabia's anti-controversial policy. in recent tension (June 5، 2017)، Saudi Arabia، along with three United Arab Emirates، Bahrain and Egypt cut off its political and economic ties with Qatar، Because they say that Qatar has become the center of terrorists. Along with Saudi policies، a large number of Arab countries they cut their relationship with Qatar، cut it off، or put it on hold. The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of this conflict on the future of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The claim is so; however، in terms of geographical and geopolitical constraints، Qatar is in the middle of magnifiers country (micro). But Qatar، through its high national power and، consequently، high geopolitical weight، is an influential country in the Gulf Cooperation Council's geopolitical structure. Apparently، the conflict of the Saudi Arabia and partners، Most of the punishment characteristic is، and an attempt to limit And earning more score than Qatar. However، the assumption of the departure of Qatar from the Gulf Cooperation Council or its expulsion، Is the basis for the collapse of this geopolitical organization. The research is based on the nature and method of descriptive-analytic. The research data are collected in a documentary manner and referring to valid sources.

This study was planned to examine policy and performance of Islamic Republic of Iran based on good governance model (case study، Hashemi Rafsanjani 1989-1997). On this basis، author has explained good governance and also its indices in Hashemi Rafsanjani administration. In modern age، political، cultural، social and economic needs and necessities has been changed so that new form of relations took place among states and nations. In this new form، the state should be policy-maker and determine general policies and political act domain based on law framework. It should follow private sector as an example for its wealth producing and civil society facilitates interactions among society and state through general mobilization for participation in political، social and economic aspects. In this research، good governance model theory and its indices (participation، low authority، responsibility، efficiency and usefulness، justice and equity) will be explained. On the other hand، events of Hashemi Rafsanjani administration will be provided. Finally، it studies adaptability of good governance model indices to performance of Hashemi Rafsanjani administration. According to author، system of Islamic Republic of Iran has constitutional law and administration of Hashemi Rafsanjani as one of post-revolution administrations tried to follow this model، but its efforts had ups and downs because of some structural and administrative obstacles.

The foreign policy decision making process of the Islamic Republic of Iran، like any other state، is affected by various factors. The factionalism as an integral part of the existence of Iran's post-revolutionary political system is one of the internal factors derived from the government environment that has influenced the foreign policy decision making process of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This factor has been described by researchers in the field of Iranian issues mainly as a constant and growing competition between transient، irregular and fluid political groups that are known as the faction in Iran post-revolutionary scene. This article aims to highlight the factor of factionalism in Iran with a descriptive-analytical approach. by reviewing some works on Iranian Foreign Policy، The article has addressed implication of effects of factionalism on Iranian Foreign Policy decision making. The evaluation of the article is that most of this literature emphasizes on the negative effects of factionalism.

The military-industrial complex (MIC) is one of the powerful lobbies in the United States which has a deep root in the country’ s political structure. This research tries to study the nature and the various dimensions of the military-industrial complex and to investigate its effects on the increase of the U. S. Military budget and its war-oriented policies based on a descriptive analytical study. The main question of the article is that whether the rise of the U. S. Military budget and its military behaviors are based on the U. S. consideration of security vulnerabilities resulted by emergence of the international terrorism، or other elements such as military industrial complex does affect the US military budget and its war-oriented policies. The hypothesis of the research is that «although the emergence of the international terrorism has increased the U. S. security vulnerabilities، continuing rise of the US. Military budget and its war oriented policies cannot be analyzed necessarily by the rising of the country’ s security vulnerabilities، but the great part of the U. S. Policies regarding war on terrorism and military budget are influenced by the interests of military-industrial complex.

The present paper aims at investigating the shift in the U. S. foreign policy from the liberal internationalist approach during the Obama administration to the neo isolationist and realist approaches in the Trump administration. The main question is: “ What is the Trump's Foreign Policy Strategy? ” The “ Theories of America's World Role” is used in response to this question. The main hypothesis of the paper is that the Trump's foreign policy strategy is a combination of neo isolationist and realist approaches. In fact، one fails to grasp a coherent and accurate understanding of the U. S. foreign policy without the effective integration of the two approaches. Therefore، the current paper argues that Trump has acted completely realistic in terms of military and security issues but neo isolationist in term of political orientation and economic performance. The current paper analyzes Trump's foreign policy in accordance with two strategies “ America First” and “ Make America Great Again” . This is a descriptive analytical research and the information collected from library and internet.

Trump's foreign policy has traces of realism and pragmatism. Trump is gradually directing the US foreign policy toward realism and pragmatism due to confronting the realities of politics inside and outside the US. Trump's fulfilling his election promises in the field of foreign policy is difficult because of the pressure of various institutions in the US، multilateral international institutions، US allies in the world، and other global actors. Although the US has a dominant power in terms of military، economy، policy and culture، it cannot neglect other political actors in the world، such as governments، institutions، and the process of globalization. The hypothesis of the paper formulated by an analytical and descriptive method is: The US is tending toward a pragmatic and realistic foreign policy after confronting the realities of the global system.

Despite the widespread effects of cyberspace on various aspects of social life، especially in the commercial and economic spheres، due to the novelty of this area، no systematic framework has been provided to explain the value network in cyberspace. This study aims to provide a framework for explaining the value network of services in cyberspace. So، throught the systematic reviewing of prior studies using framework analysis approach، actors of cyberservices value network were identified. For this purpose، the main themes were extracted using the Van Manen interpretive approach through three phses of Holistic، Selective، and Descriptive review of qualitative data. The emergent thems were introduced as the actors of cyberservices value network. based on the identified actors، initial framework was presented. Then، appling the Delphi method، the main drivers of final framework were identified. Once again، with the use of the Delphi method، the position of the components was determined in the final framework. using the combined approach، in this study، it was attempted to surmount the methodological limitations of previous studies، as far as possible، so that، the proposed framework provides a process-oriented and integrated view for cyberservice policymaking aimed at supporting service-oriented businesses.

The study of the experience of the developed and industrialized countries of the world has shown that without the full participation of the private sector، the development of technology will not take place. The role of the government should be to provide the pathway of the development and commercialization of technology and the prosperity of the technology-based business in the private sector. While in our country the dominance and influence of the public sector in most areas related to technology development does not leave room for the private sector and even has a counterproductive role in commercialization. Meanwhile، some organizations and institutions of the country have made efforts to evade government management، utilize the capabilities of the private sector and provide the appropriate structure and mechanism for the development of technology. In this paper، the experience of the Atomic Energy Organization، the Aerospace Industries Organization، the Ministry of Energy and the Industries Development and Renovation Organization (IDRO) in technology development path was explored and structural strategy to address these problems has been reviewed. In this study، expert meetings were held to review and analyze the experiences of these organizations and provide an improvement proposal.