Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Author(s): 

Shohani Ahmad | SHOHANI NADER

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2020
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    1-25
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    660
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

The concept and theory of social capital has been met with considerable interest by scholars and scholars in the various social sciences (economics, sociology, political science, etc. ) since the 1990s. Social capital is a matter of great interest to scientists and political elites. It is attempted to empirically test the theory of social capital in terms of the dominant realities of society, and in particular with the assumption that social capital plays a central role in political participation, the main purpose of this article is to answer and explain why. Research Method: The research method in this study is based on case study of descriptive-correlation type and is based on survey. Sample size 390 citizens of Ilam who were selected by cluster sampling. The independent variable in this study is social capital, which was measured by three indicators of social trust, social networks and relationships, and social solidarity. The dependent variable in this research is political participation, which has been studied with two indicators of formal and informal participation in political issues. A researcher-made questionnaire was used for data collection and its validity was confirmed by the experts and its reliability with the Cronbach's alpha test (85). Descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyze the data. Statistical methods such as Pearson correlation analysis, mean analysis and multivariate regression test were used by SPSS software. Research Findings: There is a significant relationship between social trust and political participation. On the other hand, there is a significant relationship between social relations networks, social trust and social cohesion and political participation. According to research findings, the amount of capital and social trust is reduced as we move from the family level to the level of relatives, co-workers, community members, peers and compatriots

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    1398
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    27-52
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    331
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

مقاله ی حاضر درصدد بررسی ارزیابی اجرای دکترین مسئوولیت حمایت در کشور یمن است. دکترین مسئوولیت حمایت در جهت حمایت از ابناء بشری در برابر نقض­ های عمده حقوق بشری در محیط ملی، شکل گرفته است. به دنبال درخواست دبیرکل سازمان ملل، کمیسیون بین المللی مداخله و حاکمیت کشور در سال 2001 گزارشی را تحت عنوان «مسئوولیت حمایت» ارائه داد. به دنبال بحران­ هایی که پس از 14 ژانویه 2011 دامن­ گیر کشورهای خاورمیانه و شمال آفریقا شد، کشور یمن نیز دستخوش تحولاتی گردید. مبنای نظری مقاله، دیدگاهی واقع­ گرایانه است که با روشی توصیفی تبیینی مبتنی بر احصاء مؤلفه­ ها؛ که در دسته پژوهش­ های نظری کاربردی قرار می­ گیرد، انجام پذیرفته است. این پژوهش درپی یافتن پاسخ برای این سوال است که نظریه «مسئولیت حمایت» درمورد یمن قابل اعمال است؟ بی­ توجهی شورای امنیت به راهکارهای پیشگیرانه بار دیگر انتقاداتی را متوجه قدرت­ های بزرگ، به­ ویژه اعضای دائم شورای امنیت به­ عنوان مرجع صلاحیتدار صدور مجوز برای اقدام در قالب دکترین ((مسئولیت حمایت)) کرده است. یافته­ های پژوهش مبین این امر است که این نظریه ظرفیت اعمال در مورد بحران یمن را ندارد. با مداقه در سیر قطعنامه­ هایی که در ارتباط با کشور یمن صادر شده­ است، می­ توان به این نتیجه رسید که برخلاف وضعیت کشورهای سوریه و لیبی شورای امنیت از لحن ملایم تری سود جسته و در ابتدا با تکیه بر راهکارهای سیاسی سعی در حل این بحران داشته است.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2020
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    53-71
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1276
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

The discussion of "Challenges to the Rule of Law in the Face of Unilateralism in International Law", which is a descriptive, analytical analysis of library and documentary sources, constitutes one of the important issues of international relations and law and is intended to answer this question. Essentially, what are the challenges of US unilateral sanctions against countries, and in particular Iran, with international law? And are these acts of Unilateralism, as well as the assassination of Haj Qasem Suleimani, valid from the standpoint of international law? The data suggests that since 2002 the issue of US and Western sanctions on Iran has been and remains a major challenge between Iran and the West. The unilateral implementation of US sanctions, without the prior authorization of the Security Council and outside the Charter's public security system, and in particular its recent move to assassinate the Quds Force commander in Iran, has led to the questioning of their legitimacy for their compliance with international law. . Because the use of unilateral sanctions is merely a tool to advance the national policy goals of powerful states and is in clear conflict with the international obligations of states under international human rights treaties.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2020
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    73-91
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    823
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

The Middle East has undergone widespread and profound changes over the past few years, with the emergence of a new wave of radical extremism that has become the hallmark of ISIS's terrorist group, with particular significance. The emergence and empowerment of this group that dominated a large part of Iraq and Syria led to widespread damage to human security in the regional arena. This category (human security) is the product of the paradigm shift of government-based security to the multidimensional security of the individual and implies the evolution of the nature of the threat from the military threat to various types of economic, environmental, food, health, political, social and individual threats. The central question posed in this article is: What were the consequences of religious extremism between 2014-2018 in the Middle East, especially in Iraq and Syria, on human security? In response to this question, and as a hypothesis, religious extremism in the Middle East after 2014 has had widespread negative effects on human security in the region, especially in Iraq and Syria, with the highest damage to food, health and environmental dimenions.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2020
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    93-118
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1561
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

Since 2011, Syria has become a realm of a prolonged and full-fledged war, engaging a variety of actors, ranging from internal to regional and extra-regional, either state or non-state ones; on this reason, it can be argued that this situation has led it into a most international civil war during Post-Cold War Era. In this framework, among involved states in this war, Iranian-Russian cooperation has played a significant role in preventing Bashar Assad from being overthrown, and in defeating ISIS and eliminating or undermining another terrorist groups. However, in the meanwhile, of important is prospect for these cooperative relations over Syria following persistence of Bashar Assad and process of eliminating or undermining terrorism operating within it. Thus, drawing on Future Study Approach and relying on scenario-writing method, the article seeks to identify cases occurring in Russian-Iranian relations over Syria and to analyze its strategic Implications for I. R. Iran. Findings show that, “ out of three general scenarios including prevalence of cooperation, progression towards prevalence of conflict, and simultaneousness of cooperation and conflict, ” third one seems to be most likely. On this basis, it can be suggested that having specified areas of cooperation as well as conflict, I R Iran formulates a shared agenda over them with Russia.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2020
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    119-140
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    901
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

The present research seeks to explain the theory of political Islam from the perspective of Imam Khomeini. The main question of this research is that the fundamentals of the political Islam theory of the ideologue of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, as compared to other rival views, differ? The purpose of this paper is to provide a scientific and sound explanation of the principles of Imam Khomeini's political Islam theory in the first step and in the further development of new schools of thought in the Islamic world with numerous forms and presenting new definitions of political Islam such as Salafism, Takfirism, Secular and also abnormality and ambiguity in the theorizing of political Islam, the necessity of processing the correct narrative of political Islam is felt with the successful and effective model of Imam Khomeini. The article argues that the foundations of political Islam of Imam Khomeini have elements such as Theocentricism, Rationalism, with regarding Ejtihad, happiness and the linkage of Religion and Politics. While in the theory of Salafi Islam, absolutism, dogmatism, Anti-Rationalism, monopolism, and a superficial level of Religion understanding are observed. Secular Islam is also known for its fundamental principles, such as the relativism of knowledge, religion, revelation, science of science, the world of the axis, and the separation of religion from politics. Imam Khomeini's political attraction in the field of foundations has led to the spread of political discourse of the Islamic political revolution of the Islamic world. This is despite the fact that rival ideas have so far failed to operate their own theory.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2020
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    165-188
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    3908
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

The purpose of this research is investigating the problems, obstacles and challenges ahead in developing discourse in cyberspace and suggesting appropriate strategies for improving and promoting it in the country (Iran). This was an applied study of the purpose and methodologically as a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. In order to specify basic components and elements, qualitative method of content analyses (A posteriori) were used and regarding the researcher built questionnaire, the Delphi technique was applied. After analyzing the data, 38 components were obtained and then classified into four dimensions (governmental, technological, economic, cultural). In order to validate the questionnaire, confirmatory factor analysis was used. Therefore, a questionnaire was created which included the 38 components identified as the problems of developing discourse through E-publishing. Then, the questionnaire was given to the statistical population. The statistical population of this research consisted of doctoral students, professors and experts related to the subject of the research. Sample size was estimated as 217 people based on Cochran formula. These people were chosen with the stratified sampling method. After data collection, the statistical analysis of survey data showed that all of the coefficients obtained are significant. In order to identify the factors affecting the development of E-publishing, the respondents were asked to compare the present condition and desired condition of the aforementioned components in the questionnaire. The results demonstrated that the difference between the average of present condition and desired condition are significant. Thus, all of the components related to the development of this industry have a great capability of improvement.

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Author(s): 

حقگو جواد

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    1398
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    173-196
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    288
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

مرزهای ایران امروز تنها در برگیرنده کشور ایران به عنوان یک واحد مستقل سیاسی است. این مرزها تنها براساس معاهدات سیاسی شکل گرفته و نمی تواند محدوده ایران فرهنگی به عنوان یک مجموعه وسیع تر از ایران سیاسی را در خود جای دهد. نگاهی تاریخی-جامعه شناسانه به بسیاری از کشورهای پیرامونی که تمام آنها به غیر از کشور ارمنستان در محدوده جهان اسلام قرار می گیرند حکایت از آن دارد که بخش گسترده ای از این مناطق به خصوص بخش هایی که به نحوی دنباله اقوام مرزنشین ایرانی محسوب می شوند هم به جهت تاریخی و هم از حیث جامعه شناسانه در ذیل یک واحد مستقل به نام ایران فرهنگی که دارای مختصات مشخصی است، قرار می گیرند. امری که متاسفانه غالبا مورد غفلت سیاستگذاران حوزه سیاست خارجی قرار گرفته است. مروری بر ادوار مختلف سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران نشان از آن دارد که نگرش غالب به این مناطق بیش از آنکه فرهنگی-نرم افزارانه باشد، سیاسی-سخت افزارانه بوده است. این غفلت تا کنون صدمات زیادی را به کشور وارد نموده است. با توجه به اهمیت این موضوع سوال اصلی این مقاله در گام نخست بر چرایی اولویت این منطقه در سیاست خارجی ج. ا. ایران از منظر شاخصه های قدرت نرم تمرکز یافته و در گام بعد چگونگی شکوفایی ظرفیت های نرم افزارانه سیاست خارجی کشور در این مناطق در مقام پرسش قرار گرفته است. برای پاسخ به این سوالات با بهره مندی از روش کتابخانه ای به گردآوری اطلاعات مورد نیاز پرداخته و در ادامه با کاربست روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استفاده از آموزه های جوزف نای درباره قدرت نرم به ویژه تاکیدات وی بر سه مولفه/وجه «فرهنگ-زیبایی»، «ارزش های اساسی-شکوه» و «سیاست خارجی-خیرخواهی» به عنوان سه منبع/بعد اصلی قدرت نرم تلاش شد تا ضمن بازخوانی ظرفیت های نرم افزارانه سیاست خارجی ج. ا. ایران در این مناطق به تبیین چرایی اولویت این مناطق در سیاست خارجی ج. ا. ایران از منظر مولفه های قدرت نرم پرداخته شود. در ادامه نیز با استفاده از دکترین هسته-پیرامون به ارایه راه کارهایی عملیاتی برای به فعلیت رساندن ظرفیت های نرم افزارانه ایران در این مناطق پرداخته شده است.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    1398
  • Volume: 

    9
  • Issue: 

    4
  • Pages: 

    189-225
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1739
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

ایران، کشوری چندفرهنگی است و تنوع قومی و زبانی، یکی از ویژگی های شاخص آن است. الگوی ملت در این کشور ترکیبی و نامتوازن است؛ بدین صورت که بخش بزرگی از ملت، که در یک یا چند ویژگی و خصیصه ترکیبی مشترک اکثریت دارند، هییت کلی ملت ایران را تشکیل می دهد و بخش کوچک تری از ملت نیز به علت دارا بودن یک یا چند ویژگی با بخش اکثریت ملت تجانس کامل ندارند و در جایگاه اقلیت، اجزا و پاره های کوچک تر ملت ایران قلمداد می شوند. تحولات تاریخی و سیاسی جغرافیای سیاسی ایران همواره با توجه به کارکرد چند وجهی اقوام در سیر معادلات قدرت تحلیل و ارزیابی می گردد، به طوری که تصویر موزاییکی اقوام در این جغرافیای سیاسی طی تاریخ چرخه ای از فرصت تهدید را در مقابل منافع ملی ایران نمایش می دهد از سوی دیگر در عصر موسوم به جهانی شدن، که جهان به تعبیر مارشال مک لوهان به سبک دهکده جهانی نمایش داده می شود، کشورهایی با مختصات نظام سیاسی ایران، به دلیل تنوع قومی، با مشکل ها و بحران های قومیتی روبه رو می شوند. وجود اقوام مختلف در ایران که مهم ترین ویژگی آنها بومی بودن آن هاست و همچنین تلاش حکومت مرکزی در یک سده گذشته برای ایجاد یک دولت یا ملت واحد، این پرسش را مطرح می کند که درنتیجه سیاست های تمرکزگرایانه حکومت مرکزی، اقوام مختلف با مذاهب متفاوت تا چه اندازه به ایران و هویت ملی خود احساس تعلق می کنند. . برحسب دو عنصر شاخص مذهب و زبان بین اقوام ایرانی تمایز وجود دارد و آنها را به چند دسته تقسیم می کند. بخش زیادی از جمعیت کرد زبان ها در غرب ایران و بلوچ ها پیرو مذهب تسنن هستند که از مذهب رسمی کشور متفاوت هستند. درعین حال ترک ها، لرها و بخش زیادی از عرب ها ازنظر زبانی به حوزه زبانی متفاوت با زبان رسمی کشور-که فارسی است-تعلق دارند؛ اما ازلحاظ مذهبی باتوجه به اینکه پیرو مذهب تشیع هستند با مذهب رسمی کشور اختلافی ندارند. هرچند تنوع قومی و فرهنگی برای کشوری مانند ایران می تواند فرصت های مناسبی برای توسعه کشور فراهم کند، درعین حال می تواند یکی از بسترهای مهم ناامنی و تهدیدات امنیتی به شمار رود؛ به ویژه اینکه جغرافیای سیاسی قومیت های ایرانی مانند مرزنشینی اکثر اقلیت های نژادی و مذهبی، و شکاف های فرهنگی میان آن ها می تواند سبب طمع ورزی و تحریک کشورهای استعمارگر و حضور فتنه انگیز بیگانگان در آشوب های قومی و اختلافات مذهبی و. . . شود

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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