PAZHOHESH-HA-YE BASTANSHENASI IRAN
Year:2021 | Volume:11 | Issue:30|Papers Count:12

Based on the progress that has happened in pottery production and the use of metal during the chalcolithic period, recognition of the Chalcolithic tools is vital. The present article discusses the techno-typology of Chalcolithic lithics in the three sites of Namashir, Bardeh, and Ghazi Khan in the west of Kurdistan province. Therefore, the main questions are (1) is the technology of making tools in Kurdistan a post-Mlefaatian tradition? And (2) Do tool-making traditions change over time? The hypothesis of this research is typical characteristics known as the Post-Mlefaatian. The results show that in the early and middle phases, the tools are primary and include scrapers. But in the late Chalcolithic phase, the production of long blades and sickle blades segments indicates the use of new technology in the production of tools and the possibility of making them in specialized workshops. The abundance of sickle blades is clearly an indicator of agriculture in the late Chalcolithic phase. The existence of obsidian as a raw material imported to this region, as well as the sickle blades with non-local resources, indicate the regional and trans-regional communications. Keywords: West of Kurdistan, Chalcolithic Period, Lithics.   Introduction The study of stone artifacts provides a clear view of the economic system, raw material, technology of making tools, agriculture, and trade in different periods. The Chalcolithic lithics in the Kurdistan Province are important in two cases (1) Stone artifacts of this period has been obtained from excavations, stratigraphy, and delimitation and from layers, and (2) Although these findings are not numerous, but this article is the first studies on stone artifacts in the Kurdistan.  Few studies of stone artifacts have carried out in the Chalcolithic period in the Zagros region, Tepe Asiab (Brenbeck et al., 2011), Harsin (Mortensen & Smith, 1977), Tepe Godin (Rothman, 2003), Chogha Golan and Tuwah Khoshkeh by Abdi (Abdi 2002: 59-63).  The studies of Chalcolithic lithics in Tepe Gheshlagh (Hariryan et al., 2021), in the South of Zagros, the stone artifacts in the Chalcolithic period (post-Melfaatian tradition) were divided into 2 phase: old and new post-Mlefaatian tradition (Nishiaki et al., 2013; 2018) and in the north of Mesopotamia (Khalidi & Gratuze, 2013; Thomalsky, 2012) are the most recent studies in the Chalcolithic period. Stone artifacts obtained from the excavation of Tepe Namashir (Karimi, 2012; Saed moucheshi et al., 2017), Tepe Bardeh (Khosravi, 2017), and Ghazikhan site (Karimi, 2011) provide a set of tools for techno-typo analysis of artifacts in the west of Kurdistan province (Figure 1). I this area, Tepe Namashir with layers of the Chalcolithic period (early and late Chalcolithic phases 1 and 2) and Tepe Bardeh and Ghazikhan site (late phase 2) provide a set of lithic artifacts to study of the Chalcolithic period (Table 1). Due to the different pottery cultures that exist in the east and west of Kurdistan, to better understand these cultural interactions, along with pottery, stone artifacts can also play an important role in clarifying the cultural relations of the region. According to the primary model of Kozlowski’s (see: Kozlowski, 1999). The tool-making tradition in the Zagros (Mlefaatian) are divided into three stages of old Mlefaatian (Aceramic Neolithic), late Mlefaatian (early ceramic Neolithic), and post-Mlefaatian (late ceramic Neolithic to Chalcolithic). In the late Mlefaatian, geometric tools and fine-backed bladelets are produced. In the post-Mlefaatian phase (sixth and fifth millennia BC) the production of backed bladelets was disappeared and the manufacture of blades and sickle elements with pressure technique was started (Kozlowski, 1999; Nishiaki et al., 2018). This research is the initial study of stone artifacts in the Chalcolithic period in the Kurdistan of Iran. Now, based on the past studies, the analysis of new data and understanding of tools making tradition in the Chalcolithic period is critical.   Conclusion The lithic tools from west of Kurdistan include sickle blades, simple and retouched blades, bladelets, borers, notched, scrapers. Unfortunately, we do not have absolute dating and the chronology of sites based on a Comparative study of pottery. The relative chronology of the Tepe Bardeh is unclear, two points are to be considered (1) The regular sickle blades are absent in the Middle Chalcolithic period in Kurdistan, and (2) the technology of blades are similar to the late Chalcolithic phase 2 in the Gheshlagh Tepe and Namashir III. Therefore, the discussed above supports the hypothesis that the blades and sickle blades in the Bardeh are related to the late Chalcolithic phase.  The manufacturing of tools in the sixth and fifth millennium BC in the Zagros is known as the post-Mlefaatian tradition (Kozlowski, 1999). The tools production with pressure flake technique and production of long blades and sickle elements is one of the features of this tradition. Nishiaki divides the post-Mlefaatian period into two stages based on data from southwestern Iran (Nishiaki, 2019; 2013). The difference between the early phase and the late phase is in the use of cores. In the early phase, the use of bullet core is common and in the late phase, unifacial core and shiny elements are appeared (see: Nishiaki, 2019). Due to the lack of tools in the early phase in the west of Kurdistan province, the tradition of manufacturing tools in this phase has been indigenous, it has been based on daily needs. The tools of this phase in Namashir Tepe are a notched blade, scrapers, and a retouched bladelet. The tools are made by hard hammer and the primary flakes are best associated with this technology. It seems to have been used for Ad Hoc technology until the end of the Chalcolithic period. In the late Chalcolithic phase, the napper used pressure technology to the production of large sickle blades. At this phase, the striking platform of the blades, sickle blade, and bladelet is punctiform and linear and the blub of percussion is very imperceptible. The sickle blades in Tepe Bardeh different from of Namashir and Ghazi Khan samples and these differences are (1) varying in size between 2 and 8 cm in length, (2) the presence of retouching in the truncation (N: 31 = 47%) which indicates a new technology, (3) the presence of fine and delicate retouching along the working edge and (4) edge retouching close to the back axis. Table 4 shows the Summary of average sickle metrics according to type with standard deviations. The blade is somewhat longer than the sickle blade segments. In general, in the Chalcolithic period, two points are to be considered. First, the tools were manufactured on flakes such as scrapers, borers, and notches. There is no specific pattern and standardization for this manufacture, and second, use of post-Mlefaatian tradition in the manufacture of sickle blades, which has occurred in the Late Chalcolithic. It seems that this technology was as prevalent in the Zagros region. In the west of Kurdistan, the manufacture of sickle blades in Bardeh and Namashir are different in size and retouch on cutting section, and this characteristic shows a unique technology, a combination of Mlefaatian and local traditions. This feature can be considered as a technology transition from the post-Mlefaatian tradition to the late phase in the west of Kurdistan. However, this is not an innovation for the transition period, but it shows a unique and new technology in Kurdistan.

There are few studies in the Bijar region. The only excavation in the area is the excavation of the Gheshlagh Tepe which is carried out in three seasons by the Motarjem and sharifi. The result was the continuation of the settlement from the Early, to Late Chalcolithic Period (Sharifi & Motarjem, 2014). But no site of the Early Bronze Age has been excavated in the region. So paying attention to the Pirtaj Mound is very important, because excavation on this mound led to the identification of a site from the Early Bronze Age in the high-altitude region between the east of the central Zagros and the southern basin of the Lake Urmia. While cultural relations of the two regions were previously discussed in Archaeological studies, there was still no information available on the existence of intermediary locations. The Pirtaj mound is located at 35 K.M of the Bijar township, Kurdistan province, with Geographical coordinates (UTM: 39 S 241720.60, 3960714.02) and 1688m height above the sea level.The mound consists of an ancient stack with dimensions of 140 and a width of 120 meters and a height of 5 meters. Two sounds were excavated on this mound. In the sound of T.T.10. three layers identified. The first layer is Agricultural accumulation and the second and third layer are cultural Accumulation belonged to the Early bronze Age. The pieces of pottery, bones and ash remains are the cultural materials available in this sound. In the excavation of the T.T.11 sound, four layers were identified. The two upper layers represent the cultural accumulation Belonging to the Early bronze Age and the two lower layers represent sedimentary deposits. Due to the sequence of layers in this sound, the cultural layers of the Pirtaj are formed on the surface of a low-volume and low-level natural hill.Keywords: Kura-Araxes Culture, East Central Zagros,Tepe Chal. IntroductionThe Pirtaj project is a long-term research program in the central part of the Central Zagros. This Archaeological mound is one of the most important areas of the Kura-Araxes culture in the region. In this article, in summary, the results of its excavations are presented.About 3200-3000 BC, vast sections of the northwest and west of Iran came under the influence of a new ethnic occupation, whose cultural characteristics differed from those of previous cultures (Burney 1961: 138; Sagona 2004: 80).In the Early third millennium BC, huge changes occurred due to massive population movements and displacements that affected large areas of the Caucasus (Kushnareva, 1997), Asia Minor, and Iran (Kiguradze & Sagona, 2003; kohl 2004). This period was the beginning of wide cultural change. Many Archaeologists consider the Caucasus as the origin of this culture and they are called it the Kura-Araxes culture, because the settlement areas of this culture have been identified between the two Kura and Aras rivers (Kohl ,2009; Kigguradze, 2003) and then expanded to adjacent areas. Other Russian Archaeologists such as Piotrovski and Munchaev introduced this culture in the name of the Neolithic-Chalcolithic of the Caucasus cultures (Batiuk & Rothman, 2007: 16). In Iran, this culture was the first discovered from the Yanik Tepe, also known as the Yanik culture. In the northwest of Iran, in addition to Yanik Tepe (Burney ,1964), Goy Tepe (Brown ,1951), Haftvan Tepe (Burney 1973), and in the west of Iran in the Godin VI (Young 1969) has been achieved. In recent years, in the Hamedan Plain, the Pisa mound was excavated which is belong to the Bronze Age, which led to identification of the Kura-Araxes culture (Mohamadifar & Motarjem ,2015: 1).One of the most prominent features of this culture is the circular and quadrangles planes. Charles Burney believes that those were the nomads people (Burney and Lang, 1958: 52). In Iran, the largest areas associated to the Yanik culture are reported from the northwest of Iran, but the Pirtaj of Bijar district was not under consider, where it is the corridor between the northwestern and the east central Zagros of Iran. So this article investigates the Early bronze Age culture in this area.The excavation of the Pirtaj mound carried out by the aim of identifying the establishment sequence and examining the role of the region in the development of the Kura-Araxes culture. The issue that is the largest cultural phenomenon in the Near East, can provide a valuable insight into the development of this culture in one of the eastern most parts of the central Zagros. One of the reasons for the expansion of this culture seems to be the environmental changes in the Trans-Caucasian and increase in population and the shortage of environmental resources. Pirtaj MoundThere are few studies in the Bijar region. The only excavation in the area is the excavation of the Gheshlagh Tepe which is carried out in three seasons by the Motarjem and Sharifi. The result was the continuation of the settlement from the Early, to Late Chalcolithic Period (Sharifi & Motarjem, 2014). But no site of the Early Bronze Age has been excavated in the region. So paying attention to the Pirtaj Mound is very important, because excavation on this mound led to the identification of a site from the Early Bronze Age in the high-altitude region between the east of the central Zagros and the southern basin of the Lake Urmia. While cultural relations of the two regions were previously discussed in Archaeological studies, there was still no information available on the existence of intermediary locations.The Pirtaj mound is located at 35 K.M of the Bijar township, Kurdistan province, with Geographical coordinates (UTM: 39 S 241720.60, 3960714.02) and 1688m height above the sea level. The mound consists of an ancient stack with dimensions of 140 and a width of 120 meters and a height of 5 meters. Two sounds were excavated on this mound. In the sound of T.T.10. three layers identified. The first layer is Agricultural accumulation and the second and third layer are cultural Accumulation belonged to the Early bronze Age. The pieces of pottery, bones and ash remains are the cultural materials available in this sound. In the excavation of the T.T.11 sound, four layers were identified. The two upper layers represent the cultural accumulation Belonging to the Early bronze Age and the two lower layers represent sedimentary deposits. Due to the sequence of layers in this sound, the cultural layers of the Pirtaj are formed on the surface of a low-volume and low-level natural hill. ConclusionThe early Bronze Age pottery of the Pirtaj mound is divided into two groups of simple and carving motif pottery.The Early bronze Age pottery form are: openings mouth bowels, close mouth crocks, opening mouth crocks, handles and bottom. The pottery is made up by black and gray section with polished and burned surfaces. They are hand-made and baking process of them are not well done. The variety of form and motif is another feature of them. The crocks are similar to crocks of Shengavit district (Rothman ,2015). The dishes have carving motifs which filled up by gypsum and decorated them. The motif is divided into four groups: 1- Triangular triangles, corrugated ornaments 2- the circle spiral 3- the carving lines vertical rectangular, similar to those of the Asia Minor, Erzurum area, (Figure. 6, p: 58, Isikil 2015) and Mus Plain (Rothman, 2015, Amiran 1968). Triangular carving decoration is common in the Sos Hoyul (Sagona 1999 No. 4, fig. 1, p: 154, no 1, fig 5, p:418 Karagündüz Höyüğü, Sevin et al 1999). In the Iran, this decoration has been seen in Godin VI (No 15, p. 73, Young, 1969). 4- The other group is the motif of the sun (Figure 5). The Circular rings design in the Erzurum region (Isikil 2015) and in Armenia in the Karnut region was common (Iserlis et al., 2010, Figure. 8, p: 259). From the T.T.10 sound a metal sheet, as well as stone tools were also found.The results of the Pirtaj excavations led to the identification of the Kura-Araxes culture in the region. The Kohl says the most Kura-Araxes settlements are small. They are rarely more than 5 Hectares in size (Kohl & Trifonov 2014:1580). The Pirtaj is also a small community, whose cultural material represents the familiarity of the inhabitants with the cultural tradition of the Kura-Araxes. The remains of Architecture are not found, but the pottery variety is very interesting. The presence of ethnics to the burnished gray pottery, represents a massive population movement from the northwest basin to parts of the eastern central Zagros. This region plays an important and effective role in the cultural transfer of the development and expansion of the Kura-Araxes to the southern regions of the central Zagros. The extensive excavation in this area can be considered a new horizon at one of the key points of the Early Bronze Age in the east of central Zagros.

Abstract Between 1800 and 1700 BC, complex urban centers in the eastern half of Iran, especially in the Northeast and Central Asia, collapsed due to unknown factors; While in Balkh and Merv oases, the settlements of this period appeared with the prominent culture of Balkh-Merv and continued without interruption. According to current knowledge, settlements in northeastern Iran, including Khorasan, Gorgan plain and Shahroud, were abandoned in 1700 BC and despite a period of decline, they continued again in the Iron Age with the emergence of cemeteries. Assessing these developments in Kashaf-Rud Basin as one of the cultural regions of Khorasan is one of the goals and necessity of studies in this period. Assessing the time phase of the Late Bronze Age and the dominant culture of the Kashaf-Rud Basin and how the developments of this period occurred in the region is one of the main research questions. On the other hand, understanding the pattern of settlements of the Late Bronze Age of Kashaf-Rud basin is one of the most important goals of the research. This research has been done with a landscape archeology approach and by analyzing ArcGIS output maps. The results show the similarity of the pottery characteristics of the Late Bronze Age Kashaf-Rud basin with the two time phases of Gonor and Togholog and the samples of Gonur Depe pottery of Turkmenistan and Jarkutan, Uzbekistan. The number of settlements has not decreased and new settlements have been inhabited for the first time in this period. The results also indicate the continuation of settlement and change in the type of livelihood of some settlement communities in this period. The settlements of this period, like the previous cultural periods, are strongly dependent on the Kashaf-Rud River as the most vital artery of the Mashhad plain and have been formed with a linear model along this river. Keywords: Khorasan, Kashaf-Rud Basin, Mashhad Plain, Late Bronze Age, BMAC.   Introduction The period of the second half of the second millennium BC (around 1800-1700 BC) coincides with the collapse of complex urban centers in the eastern half of the Iranian plateau, especially in the northeast. In the middle and southwest of Central Asia, after the mentioned change, the establishment of sites continued, which is known as the BMAC culture (Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex). According to the current archaeological knowledge in the northeast of Iran, including Khorasan, Gorgan plain and Shahroud, the settlements were abandoned around 1700 BC and despite a period of decline, they continued again in the Iron Age with the emergence of cemeteries. Unlike southwestern Central Asia, which has extensive archaeological studies and, in addition to cultural sequencing, other studies with approaches to social, economic, and interdisciplinary archeology; The current understanding of the prehistoric cultures of the Khorasan region is not the same in all sectors; Accordingly, prehistoric research in Khorasan can provide basic information and contribute to a general understanding of the archeology of the plateaus of Iran and Central Asia.   Objectives and Necessity Due to the lack of purposeful research in Khorasan and recent findings in the region, a preliminary understanding of the cultural components of the new Bronze Age as the most problematic cultural period in Khorasan and Central Asia along with the introduction of this period as a statistical population for further studies. The future can open a new window for methodical and long-term studies in Khorasan, which may be overshadowed by the purposeful study of these settlements, the developments of this period in Central Asia. Questions and Hypotheses: The initial evaluation of the New Bronze Age and the dominant culture of Kashfarud Basin, as well as how the developments of this period occurred in the region is one of the main research questions. According to the initial hypotheses, the developments of the New Bronze Age in Kashfarud Basin are of a different nature from other cultural regions of Khorasan and Northeast of Iran as well as Central Asia, so that although some Middle Bronze Age settlements are abandoned, but new settlements, although with The smaller area appeared for the first time in the New Bronze Age, and its cultural materials, including pottery, indicate homogeneity with the Central Asian settlements in the two famous phases of Gonur and Toguluq, as well as the two settlements of Gonur Depe and Jarkotan, which have been confirmed by the present research.’   Research Background In the period of the present study, Kashfarud river basin lacks purposeful studies and most of the archaeological activities of the region consist of several studies and recordings that have been done in Kashfarud catchment area and form the history of archaeological research in this cultural area. (Labaf Khaniki, 2012: 137-158). Among these, only two prehistoric review and identification projects have been carried out in the city of Mashhad, which include surveys along the Kashfarud River (Ariai & Thibault, 1977) and the survey and identification of Mashhad (Labaf Khaniki 2012: 137-148). Methods: In the present study, the comparative approach of pottery traditions has been studied and in addition, by interpreting and analyzing ArcGIS output maps, environmental factors affecting the formation and continuity of settlements in this period have been studied. Theoretical foundations: In the second half of the second millennium BC in the oasis of Merv in modern Turkmenistan, changes occur in human societies and rapidly move to the east and affect the oasis of Balkh in northern Afghanistan and lead to the formation of a culture called BMAC (Sarianidi 1998: 35). Its chronological scale starts from 2300 or 2200 and ends until 1700 BC in Balkh and Merv oases, but in the eastern half of Central Asia and Khorasan, the settlement continues until the middle of the second millennium BC (1500 BC) until the Tahirbay phase (Basafa, 1394; Vahdati, 1394: 44).   Research Achievement 14 prehistoric settlements have been identified in the Kashfarud catchment area within the city of Mashhad (Mashhad plain). Of these, 4 settlements have been introduced as settlements that appeared in the Iron Age (Mazari-Moghaddam, 2016) which in pottery species are similar to the pottery traditions of the new Bronze Age called BMAC culture, which are in the cultural phase and similar to Jarkotan samples. Therefore, considering these pottery traditions as examples of the Late Bronze Age, a total of 10 settlements have surface cultural materials (pottery) from the Late Bronze Age and are similar to the BMAC culture.   Settlement Pattern Two groups of sites are distinguishable in terms of location relative to altitude above sea level; Areas that are located at an altitude between 933-633 meters above sea level (5 settlements - 50%) and areas that are located at an altitude of 1300-1666 meters above sea level (5 settlements - 50%). All settlements of the late bronze period of Mashhad plain are located in the plain area and often close to the river. The 7 settlements studied (70%) are located in the range of 6 degree and 3 settlements (30%) are located in the slope of 6 degrees to 13 degrees. Between the 10 settlements that have been studied, 9 settlements (90%) are located less than 500 meters from the Kashfarud River and its tributaries and only one crescent hill settlement is located approximately 1 km from the river. All the studied settlements tend to focus on the rangelands of the region and its proximity to agricultural lands.   Conclusion According to the evaluation of biological variables, Kashfarud River, as the most vital surface water artery of Mashhad plain, has always attracted human societies of different eras by creating a fertile ecosystem from the Paleolithic period to the contemporary period. Also, according to current knowledge and lack of identification of settlements in the highlands of the region, Kashfarud River is the most effective environmental factor in creating human habitats. The studied settlements with a linear model in its margins as two northwestern settlement clusters including Tape Ghader Abad, Abarghan site, Tape Devin with the axis of the tree canopy and the southeastern cluster, including Tape Qolur khaneh, Tape Gash, Tape Helali, Tape Shar shar and Tape Khaki, has been formed with the axis of Tape Naderi in Torogh city. The proximity of all settlements to the river, location in agricultural lands and the lowest slope of the region is not conclusive evidence of the pattern of settlement and livelihood based on agriculture of these settlements, but by examining the extent of some southeastern clusters such as Tape Crescent, Tape Shar shar and Tape Khaki And the absence of any cultural materials except pottery, these settlements can be considered semi-nomadic or seasonal with a livelihood based on livestock and seasonal agriculture. According to the present study, the studied pottery species indicate the synchronicity of the settlements of the Late Bronze period of Mashhad plain, coinciding with the two phases of BMAC culture, namely the phase of Gonur (Middle Bronze) and the phase of Toghulogh and Taherbai (Late Bronze) have been abandoned in 1700 BC and have adapted to the developments of this period and have been inhabited until 1500 BC and early Iron Age. With these interpretations, 5 settlements out of 10 studied settlements have been abandoned at the end of the Late Bronze Age. Based on the homogeneity of the pottery of these settlements with the samples of Toghlugh and Tahirabay phases, its date can be considered 1500 BC and Iron Age did not continue in these settlements. Definitely related to the Iron Age, not found from the surface of these settlements. In addition, according to current knowledge and typology of surface pottery, settlement in Tape Naderi and Tape Devin have have been continued from the Late Bronze Age to the Yaz I cultural period (1500 BC).

Sarand - Dighdighan Cemetery is located near Dighdighan village of Harris city in East Azerbaijan province. The cemetery was identified during the road construction operation; As a result of archeological excavations in this cemetery, 30 healthy graves and 6 semi - healthy graves were identified, excavated and documented. The first chapter of archeological excavation in this area, although focused on saving the works; However, the results of the study indicate the position of this region in the Iron Age studies of northwestern Iran. In the present study, an attempt has been made; Based on field research and library studies, the following questions can be answered scientifically: A) Chronology of Sarand - Dighdighan cemetery burial mounds belongs to which cultural periods?  B) What has been the settlement pattern in this area according to the available evidence? In this article, it is generally tried; To examine burial and related traditions; To study and compare the cultural status of the area based on the typology of cultural data with other contemporaries in Iran and neighboring areas. The results show that based on the data obtained, especially clay data, Serand - Dighdighan cemetery can be considered as one of the Iron Age cemeteries in northwestern Iran, whose archaeological evidence is comparable to some of the Iron Age I and II sites in Iran, Azerbaijan and East Turkey. Based on this typology, the relative chronology of this cemetery is 1250 - 800 BC. Suggested; And the passage from the Iron Age I to II can be seen in this cemetery; Also, based on the results of archaeological excavations, it can be said that the settlement pattern in this cemetery was unrelated to the settlement sites. Keywords: Sarand-Dighdighan Cemetery, Iron Age, Sangchin Graves, Rescue Excavation.   Introduction Najd northwest of Iran has long been considered by researchers in archeological studies of the Iron Age and almost simultaneously with archaeological activities in other parts of the country, have also studied and excavated in some areas of this region; The results have led to the recognition of the cultural situation of this region in different eras. Based on the results of excavations and archaeological studies, this area can be studied in the Iron Age with three types of sites. 1. Areas where settlements are adjacent to architectural and burial remains; He named Haftavan V (1970, Burney), Hasanlui V and IV (1989, Dyson), Dinkhah II (1974, Muscarella), Kordler Tepe (1976, Lippert) and others. 2. Areas that have been formed in the form of mountain fortifications; Like some castles of Meshkinshahr, Varzeqan, Ahar, etc. were mentioned. 3. Areas that have been formed as cemeteries and are generally unrelated to permanent settlements; ; Including Dinkhah III (1974, Muscarella), Hill A and B (1951, Burton Brown), Kaboud Mosque in Tabriz (Hejbari Nobari, 2005), Gilvan Khalkhal Monastery (Rezalo, 2008), Jafarabad Khodaafarin (Old Irvani, 2010) , Khorramabad named Meshkinshahr (Rezalu, 2012), Qizil Ghiyeh Meshkinshahr (Hajizadeh, 2014), Sarand - Ghadghan Cemetery, etc. These cemeteries are generally unrelated to the settlement areas, and even if they are settlements, they are considered as nomadic with very weak architectural structures. Sarand - Dighdighan Cemetery was unknown before 1397. This year, the Sungun Varzeqan copper mine excavated a hill near the village of Daghdghan in the Harris County functions in order to develop the Varzeqan - Tabriz communication road; As a result, cultural and archeological remains were identified, which indicated the destruction of a number of graves in a historical cemetery. Following that, after reporting to the Cultural Heritage Office of East Azerbaijan Province, the excavation operations were stopped and the steps of obtaining the excavation permit were followed. As a result, in May 1398, a cemetery excavation permit was issued. In the present study, an attempt has been made; Based on the results of the first chapter of the archaeological excavation of this cemetery and based on library studies, the following questions can be answered scientifically: B) What has been the settlement pattern in this area according to the available evidence? In general, it can be said that Serand - Dighdighan cemetery agrees with the Iron Age settlements of Lake Urmia, which in terms of cultural data and burial traditions, some cultural similarities can be observed between these sites. Certainly, this research will be very useful and effective in increasing the archaeological knowledge from the Iron Age, especially the transition from Iron I to Iron II and explaining the problem of gray and black pottery with the phenomenon of migration or cultural sequence in the northwestern region of Iran. Materials and Methods  In this research, the work was done in two stages: field and library. Field method: Excavation of Sarand-Daghdagan cemetery from the perspective of excavation objectives can be considered as part of emergency (rescue) excavations. In such excavations, which are a kind of rescue, the excavation operations are more to save the works from destruction and in a way to collect objects and document the findings. In emergency excavations, the continuation of the project depends on the valuable findings of the excavation work. To excavate the graves of this cemetery, the locus-feature method was used, in such a way that feature one (F. 1): the architecture of the graves is dedicated. These stones are in different dimensions and sizes and are generally of the carcass and rubble type. Feature 2 (F. 2) : Feature 2 includes burial status and burial data related to graves; Each of these features consists of a number of loci. In addition to the field method, library resources have been used for analytical analysis and comparative study of data with other simultaneous areas. Conclusion Based on the results of data obtained from an archaeological excavation season in Sarand - Dighdighan cemetery, it is possible to achieve some reconstruction of Iron Age communities and social structure in the northwestern region of Iran, especially Harris city. The burial mounds of this cemetery with samples obtained from Hassanloui IV and V, Dinkhah II and III, Haftavan IV and V, Gohi Tappeh A and B, Kordlertpeh, Kaboud Mosque, Jafarabad, Khodaafarin, Silk B, Qeytariyeh, Koti Dileman Castle, Poshtkuh Lorestan and some areas of eastern Turkey and the southern Caucasus are comparable; Accordingly, the results of the archaeological excavations of the Sarand - Dighdighan cemetery indicate the homogeneity of the common burial traditions of the Iron Age in Najd, Iran, or at least in the northwestern half; Therefore, considering the many similarities between the data of Serand - Daghdan cemetery, including pottery, metal objects, burial, etc., with other contemporaneous sites, and in some cases it is a combination of cultural works of the Iron Age I and II, it can be concluded that in This cemetery has a cultural continuity between the two iron periods I and II and its time period is related to this period. Therefore, considering the chronology presented based on carbon experiments of 14 Hasanlu and Dinkhah sites and comparing the data of Sarand - Dighdighan cemetery with these sites, this cemetery can be considered with caution related to 1250-800 BC. Or, in general, the Iron Age I and II chronicles.

Kassites were an Iranian ethnic group and lived in the Zagros Mountains. Although the origin of Kassites is not certain, many scholars, according to archaeological, linguistic studies, and ancient written sources, have tended to target the Zagros Mountains (it is probable Luristan province) as their original homeland. They ruled Babylonia almost continuously from 17/16th to c.1155 BC. The Elamites conquered Babylonia in the 12th BC. Individual Kassites occupied important positions in the kingdom of Babylonia and even Karduniash. In accordance with the history, archaeology, and art of the Kassites, significant studies have been conducted outside Iran and the results have been published in books and articles, but no appropriate research has been done in Iran during this period. This paper studies the art of glyptic Kassite (cylinder seals) in the Late Bronze Age to early Iron Age. The research method is descriptive-analytical (content) which is based on library studies. Many questions are addressed in this research, but the two, main questions are consisting of 1- Kassite cylinder seals are divided into how many categories? 2- How were the chronology and the usage of the seals? The art of glyptic Kassite is divided into four different styles. Kassite seals were made under the influence of Paleo-Babylonia and Assyria. The style, iconography, and inscriptions indicate their personal or official use. The chronology was done according to iconography, stylistics, and inscriptions. The first and second styles of Kassites cylinder seals can be dated about 14th-13th century BC. The Pseudo-Kassite cylinder seals were almost made in the same period as the first group, about 14/13 BC. The use of the third style began around the 14th-13th century BC, and continued until the late 12th century BC. The discovery of Kassite seals in Egypt and even Greece probably indicates cultural and political exchanges in the region. Keywords: Kassite, Glyptic, Iconography, Mesopotamia, Iran.   Introduction The domination of the Iranian people in Mesopotamia had a great influence on Babylonia when the Kassites ruled in Babylonia for about five centuries. Although not many artifacts have survived from this period, many scholars have studied and identified these people concerning the same artifacts, including the metalworking industry, cylinder seals, engravings, and inscriptions on the kudurru. Seals were produced from the first years of their rule and they contain valuable information about the social, religious, and political environment of their society. Although Kassite archaeological finds and evidence are scarce in Mesopotamia (especially Nuzi and Nippur), a significant number of seals have been found outside Mesopotamia, in Malta - via Greece - (Mayer, 2011: 141-153; Ibid , 1983: 65-132), in Lorestan (Sorkh-dom), in Metsamur (Khanzadyan-Piotrovskii, 1984: 59–65) in Armenia, in Hasanlu (Marcus, 1991: 549–551) and in Elam (Chogha Zanbil, see Porada 1970). Accordingly, in this research, firstly the origin of the Kassites, and then the styles of their seals are introduced in this paper. So, the chronology and use of seals will be examined, and then its iconography and stylistics elements. Many scholars have studied the Kassite archaeology, history, and art, but so far, no significant research has been done by Iranian scholars on the Kassite cylinder seals dated from the late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age period. This article aims to examine and to describe this production to understand the use and chronology of these artefacts, trying also to identify the cultural influences of neighbouring regions and to underline its international relations. The following questions are asked: 1- How many categories are the Kassite seals divided into? 2- Which cultures are influenced by? 3- How was the use of these seals? 4- How are they dated? 5- Do the seals indicate cultural and international exchanges in the Kassite period? Research hypotheses indicate that Kassite seals can be divided into four different styles, and there are signs of the influence of Babylonian and Assyrian cultures on seals; these seals also had a personal and official use? Inscriptions, iconography, and styles indicate that the seals were made between the 14th-12th Cent. The discovery of the Kassite seals in some remote areas such as Thebes (Greece) and Egypt indicates international relations in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, providing a global Mediterranean-Middle East with exchanges and sharing of cultural and artistic elements. To identify the styles of seals, several historical, iconographic, and stylistic elements are used. The research method used in this research is descriptive-analytical (content) and based on library studies; it includes detailed study and analysis of the seals and their effect on calligraphy, packing envelopes, and bullae. The seals are from some Kassite archaeological excavations and also various collections (Map 1). Various libraries and catalogues of several museums around the world have been used for this research, considering that before this study, no contributions have been conducted in Iran on the style and use of the Kassite seals. Kassite seals are divided into four styles. The earliest style is influenced by the culture of ancient Babylon. The second style can be considered between the ancient Babylonian style and the Assyrian-Kassite style. The seals of the third style were more similar to those dated to the Middle Assyrian period (14th-13th Cent). On the other hand, in addition to the iconographic similarities with the early style, the pseudo-Kassite style had similarities with the Elamite culture. Elamite seals may also have been made under the influence of the Kassite seals. The style and iconography of the seals indicate their private or official use. The first and second style seals belonged to the wealthy of the Kassite community, and the third style ones were made for the common people. Based on the style, iconography, and inscription, the seals of the first and second groups can be dated to around the 14th-13th Century BC but those following the third style began around the 14th Cent. until the end of the Kassite dynasty. Due to their iconographic similarities, the so-called “pseudo-Kassite” seals are almost synchronous with the first group of seals.   Kassite Cylinder Seals The most ancient cylinder seals (first style, XVI-XV century BC) are placed in the tradition of the late Paleo-Babylonian glyptic of the XVII century. BC, which used the so-called “presentation scenes” showing a human standing figure in front of a seated standing deity, adding new elements: a long prayer inscription on several columns and several smaller secondary motifs (cross, rosette, fly, dog, lozenge) on the empty frieze, in the known manner used by the engravers on the kururru. There is also another corpus of Kassite seals carved according to a style of Elamite influence, already defined as “pseudo-Kassite” because it was first identified in southwestern Iran rather than in Babylon, similar to that of the first style, from which it seems to derive, which shows male figures standing. These seals are engraved in a more schematic style with a lower quality of execution with the use of the drill; also the lower quality of the material (glass paste) well defines the identification of this production. The seals of the second style, partly contemporary to those of the first, began to be used perhaps during the mid of the 14th Cent. and, around 1200 BC, it seems to disappear. It shows new iconographic subjects: scenes of everyday life, naturalistic and mythological scenes, with divinities and fantastic creatures that revive the iconographic repertoire with an elaborated composition of the register. From central Greece, in particular, comes a large interesting seal collection providing data on the use practices and the international movements of luxury objects at the end of the II millennium BC. Several seals were found nearby this treasure, coming from various regions (Mesopotamia, Syria, Hittite Anatolia, Cyprus) and perhaps preserved all together in a wooden box. The meaning of this collection is enforced because of the other precious agate, ivory, and gold objects found with the seals which reveal how this treasure represents the most important finding of Kassite archeology outside the Mesopotamia and its strong impact on the Greek culture, thanks to its attestation in a so rare archaeological context where a strong impact is constituted by the discovery in Greece of a such as an important number of Kassite seals in the same place. The third style is the late-Kassite production which represents the iconographic repertoire with more rigid and linear carving, losing the vivacity of the narrative action. It seems better oriented to the Assyrian contemporary productions because of its stronger influence to it by the Assyrian series of geometric fillers or an animals-parade.   Conclusions At the end of 1350 BC the first Kassite glyptic seem to be attested mainly in northern Mesopotamia where the tradition of the first Kassite style flourishes as a result of a progressive departure from the model of the Paleo-Babylonian “presentation scene”, the starting point of the Kassite glyptic. In the mid-14th century, the second Kassite and pseudo-Kassite styles emerge, while the first Kassite style is enriched by the themes of the tradition attested in southern Mesopotamia. If the second Kassite style was exclusive to wealthy owners for specific uses related to the administration, at the beginning of its flourishing it distanced itself from the first style, having much more in common with the new style that was developing at the same time in Assyria. The “pseudo-Kassite” style was referred probably to as an imitation production derived from the first Kassite one when the seal was carved on low-quality material and it was used by a lower social class than that which uses the seals of the elegant second Kassite style. It was produced in Babylon but also in Elam where it was first found by the excavators. In this same period, the early Kassite style also flourishes in the central area of Mesopotamia as an upper-class product but the glyptic of the third Kassite style, close to the Middle Assyrian glyptic then during the 14th-13th Cent, seems to take place until the definitive decline of the Kassite dynasty over Babylon. The fact that some seals were found outside Mesopotamia and not only of the same level of socio-political development (such as Egypt and Greece) was due to a historical period characterized by intense cultural, political, military, and commercial contacts of the Late Bronze Age which, besides the differences, represents a Mediterranean-Eastern cosmos integrated also on a cultural level and permeated by exchanged and shared artistic elements.

Ever since prehistoric areas, even during the hunters-gathers communities and developments to maintain order and security in his society. Such communities had to obey some individual to preserve balance and interactions both at inter social level of their own communities as well as the international level with other societies over the world. Such rulers (to be obeyed) were usually selected based on some rules and methods. Moreover, the privilege to reign was transmitted to their sons or handed over to some other people. Along with formation of governments and considerable increase of the rulers’ powers, which played the same role as the former rulers of small communities, as well as extension of their geographical area with more population of different cultures under their reign, the situation became more complicated. Gradually, there was more ambition even among the people close to kings to gain the reign and rule on societies. It was of extra ordinary significance for the kings to keep on their rules and realms, because any disability in controlling the population or foreign threats even in regional events would cause some doubts in the king’s qualification and might result in his assassination or deposition. Thus, the leaders of societies, in the course of time, even before the formation of governments, would take some measures to make peoples not only obey their rules and orders, but to defend their reign and substitutes against the internal and external enemies too. The leaders of different eras and various regional societies were of different nature, such as a priest, a martial expert, a charismatic person or an intelligent professional one. Keywords: Achaemenian, Sasanian, Legitimacy, History Course, Inscriptions Usage.   Introduction These leaders occasionally restored to their fathers and ancestors, as they played a great role in the nation’s destination, to use their popularity and sociability in the way of their own followers and supporters extension. Such a set of variance in the governments’ natures and the development of social structures in the course of time caused a set of necessities to be absolute parts of a leader’s qualification. Such necessities for people to become rulers or governors are called legitimacy in politics. Although the term legitimacy is somehow modern, the ancient governments were unconsciously aware of such a method and continuously tried to gain the most possible legitimacy for themselves and make nations aware of their enemies as being exetainers. In fact, legitimacy was the spinal cord of a government and if it was lost for any reason, the ruler would be de positioned in a short time, much the worse he would be killed. Despite the significance of this issue, no comprehensive investigation was performed about the necessary qualities of reign in ancient Iran. Therefore, the authors have tried to investigate such qualities in this study. The authors believe that these inscriptions are of giving legitimacy to the king. They also study their utility in Iran’s ancient society. In this course, the inscriptional contents of these kingdoms as well as the association between the inscriptions and historical events in ancient Iran was investigated. Two of most important dynasties of Iran were Achaeminid and Sasanid. Persians had tribal social structure but Sasanian had a civilized structure and settled in big cities and was priest of temple. These dynasties have very different social background and different political situations when raised.  A number of royal inscriptions of Achaemenid and Sasanian eras have been left in different parts under their kingdom. These inscriptions have helped the researchers to learn about the language, history, culture and archaeology in learning about different aspects of sociopolitical situation of the time. The questions to be answered in this study are: the reason to make such inscriptions in a great cost of time and money, the necessity felt by Achaemenian and Sasanian kings to make them, have they been made to celebrate a victory? Either a way to show the power, or a tool for advertisement? Or making these inscriptions carry an important secret in them that has caused them to be made? This study has aimed to find out if these inscriptions were a means to gain and declare the king’s legitimacy and when their make have become obligatory? The authors have tried to study the inscriptions as well as their contents and also their historical time to be made to find the answer to the question. The authors have also studied the inscriptions of Achaeenian and Sasanian periods based on variabilities such as the frequency of the inscriptions of the kings as well as internal factors (such as uprisings against the king or the kings’ uprising against his former counterpart) or the occurrence of foreign conflicts with the level of their victories in addition to the contents mentioned in them, to make a possible guess of the aim behind making these historical inscriptions. To achieve this goal, the authors gathered both the kingdoms’ inscriptions. They managed to compare the contents translated of the inscriptions by different translators and picked up the best reliable text out of them. We extracted the significant contents of each inscription. These contents included the inscription construction and the terms as well as the sentences expressed by the king. However, the inscriptions demonstrating merely the name of the king mostly engraved on the margin of mobile tools were put aside by us. In several steps, those inscriptions which only demonstrated the name of the king with no helpful information or content in giving new clues to the authors, they were ignored due to their unimportance in being put aside from the research procedure. These briefly written inscriptions were of no significance in the process of the investigation analysis and statistics. After studying the inscriptions, the internal and external situation of the empires during their rule with emphasis on the kings with the most duration of reign as well as the longest inscriptions were investigated. Furthermore, the results in the forms of separate tables and comparing the events and their consequences were provided in order to facilitate the data as well as correlation among the variability, the investigation findings in short word is that a correlation exists among the kings with inscriptions and the kings without any inscriptions with internal and external event. The inscriptions frequency and the extension of problems (troubles occurred under the kingdom) proved to be correlated.   Conclusions Thus, it can be claimed that (most probably but not absolutely) these inscriptions were made to declare their legitimacy in government and obliterate and doubt about their legal right to rule among the population and also make them to observe and obey their orders. In general, these inscriptions have been made to gain legitimacy and the king has felt the necessity to make them under three conditions, first, the direct relation between the founder and his next kings, which gives legitimacy to their rules. Second, the victorious kings of big conflicts of which we can name the first Sasanian Shapur. Third, the kings whose legitimacy had been somehow doubted, for example the Dariush the Great, Dariush II and Ardeshir II, in other words, the kings of such a condition have made the most inscriptions entitled in words, while the rest have either no inscription left or their names have much briefly been engraved on a tool.

In addition to reading historical books and texts, an examination of the natural and artificial artifacts left over from the past can also provide a comprehensive and appropriate view of human life style. Pottery is a work of art, due to their nature as well as their compositional structure, has been able to retain its originality for many years and present itself as a viable option for study purposes. Despite the widespread use of both Micro-Raman Spectroscopy, and Laser-Induced Breakdown Spectroscopy (LIBS) techniques in the world of archeology, these study methods are still unknown within the country and have not been applied to the study of artwork in accordance with their global status. Careful study of historic Arg-e Bam pottery is done for the first time in the country in a scientific and practical way, in order to reveal some of the historical and artistic aspects of these works. Studies also show that in the Middle Ages and during the Seljuk, Khwarezmshahi, Ilkhanid and Timurid rule to beautify and extend the life of pottery from seven types of matte turquoise blue glaze, matte milky glaze, clear turquoise blue glaze, milky gray glaze, monochrome glaze, embossed glaze and also golden glaze were used. The current paper applies both above mentioned study methods, following a comprehensive review of the nature of glazes used in the pottery industry and their historical antiquity. The results of the study are then described on seven samples of historic Arg-e Bam pottery to illustrate the source of cobalt oxide for blue, chromium and copper glazes for green and turquoise glazes as well as tin for white glazes. Keywords: Arg-e Bam, Pottery, Glaze, Micro Raman Spectroscopy, Laser-Induced Breakdown Spectroscopy (LIBS).     Introduction One of the most important and main ways to be aware of the style and context of human life throughout history is to study the objects made by them, especially works of art. Considering that clay objects have the ability to maintain their originality for many years and remain intact in the face of various dangers; Archaeologists and researchers have always been interested in various studies. On the other hand, by combining archeology with other sciences such as physics, chemistry, etc., more accurate and reliable analyzes can be achieved, and as a result, a clearer picture of the past lifestyle of human beings can be obtained. In this research, using Raman spectroscopy and Laser-Induced Breakdown Spectroscopy (LIBS), studies have been conducted on the origin and structure of glazes on a number of pottery of the historic citadel of Bam. Using this study method on glazed pottery, in addition to requiring a short time, can provide us with complete information about the structure, contents and history of these samples. In this research, it is shown that these two spectroscopic methods are able to determine and introduce the materials used in the production of glaze on Pottery samples with a high reliability coefficient. It can be said that the first generation of glazed pottery found in Bam belongs to the Sassanid period, at the end of the historical period, which archaeologists consider to be rough blue glazed pottery related to this period. Researchers believe that the Bam region in the Islamic era was much richer in terms of pottery and its species diversity than the two prehistoric and historical periods; Because most of the pottery discovered in this area belongs to the Islamic era. In the leading research, the word glaze and the necessity of using it in the pottery industry are first introduced. In the next step, the history of pottery discovered from Bam citadel and also the use of glaze in these samples were reviewed and then, by introducing materials and study methods, the common materials used to produce different types of glaze in different colors were introduced. Finally, by examining seven samples of pottery in the historic citadel of Bam, we will talk about the characteristics of the glazes used to cover these samples, as well as the results obtained from this research.   Discussion Ceramic glaze is an impervious layer or coating of a vitreous substance which has been fused to a ceramic body through firing. Glaze can serve to color, decorate or waterproof an item.[1] Glazing renders earthenware vessels suitable for holding liquids, sealing the inherent porosity of unglazed biscuit earthenware. It also gives a tougher surface.   Green and Turquoise Glazes: Copper oxide: It is one of the most widely used colored oxides that has been used since ancient times to produce green glazes by potters and artists. Zinc oxide: By using this material and copper oxide at the same time, a turquoise color can be created in different glazes. Chromium oxide: The use of this material together with one of the alkaline metals in the structure of the glaze makes its color green. The green color created in this way has a very good stability.   White Glazes Tin oxide: This material is generally used for the purpose of opaque and opaque different glazes, but if we use only tin oxide and lead in the production of glaze, then after heating it, a white and milky glaze is obtained. For experiments in this research, a green laser Raman microscope with a wavelength of 532 nm was used. The intensity and amount of Raman rays scattered from the surface of each sample is a function of the location and three-dimensional arrangement of its constituent atoms in space relative to the other components. With this description, the Raman signal received from the sample surface can be introduced as a fingerprint identifier that can play an important role in identifying materials. Also for LIBS spectroscopy method, (In this spectroscopic method, a small part of the material is converted to plasma using a laser as a light source).  Nd: YAG Q-Switch laser with a wavelength of 532 nm, a pulse width of 10 nanoseconds and a repetition rate of 3 Hz is used.   Conclusion in the study of pottery discovered from the historic citadel of Bam using the Raman spectroscopy method, it was found that cobalt oxide was generally used to create blue glazes in the coating of these materials. But in one of the samples, the presence of azure or Lapis lazuli was also visible. In addition, while copper oxide can be introduced as the most important factor in the formation of green glazes in the above samples, the study of the range obtained from a number of samples showed that chromium ions are the main structure of their green glazes. In addition, it was confirmed that in white glazes, a sudden increase in the band in the 500 region could be evidence of the presence of tin oxide in the glaze structure. The use of laser induction sales spectroscopy also showed that copper-dependent compounds and most likely copper oxide were generally used to prepare the blue glazes on these pottery. The identification of copper radiation lines in the spectra obtained from samples 2, 4, 5 and 6 is a good confirmation and expression of this issue. On the other hand, in the study of samples 1, 4 and 7, it was found that the glazes of these materials, while containing copper-dependent compounds, were prepared using compounds prepared from chromium (most likely chromium oxide) and the application of different percentages of this Two materials during the preparation and baking of the glaze have caused us to see a range of different colors from green to turquoise on these samples. Although it was expected that cobalt radiation lines could be found in some of these samples, the presence of this element and its related compounds, such as cobalt oxide, was not found in any of the obtained spectra. In the sample review section, it was also shown that in white glazes, it is possible to identify elements such as tin, barium and titanium, and these elements are responsible for creating this color in the glazes of samples 6 and 7. Examination of the glaze structure on these 7 samples also showed that only one of them has a glaze of lead nature and lead lines are visible only in sample 3.

There are some reasons to many of architecture structures to be unknown in West of Iran, especially in Ilam region, such as absence of communications, and referencing to the results of limited excavations. Gowriyeh is one of the Sasanian royal monuments, which excavated following the locating in the resource of Kangir Dam in Ilam province. The plan of a rectangular-shaped in size of 852 m2, included some rooms with courtyards and inner space have been revealed at the end of excavation. After the complete digging, totally 10 spaces have been unearthed. The designers of this site were completely aware of architecture elements and potentials and according to a predetermined map built it. The materials are rubbles and Semi-backed plaster. The architecture style and related decorations are obvious in two architecture phases, those are affected by Sasanian common art and local independent identity. There are some questions, such as recognizing the methods of architecture and materials, functions and effective elements on artistic elements. In order to answer these questions, a descriptive-analytical method with the help of historical texts and archaeological excavation. According to the archaeological finds, this site could be known as a monument with residential-ceremonial functions, between the simultaneous palaces. The life of this site started from Sasanian period and continued until the Early Islamic centuries. Some important results in order to perceiving the local architecture techniques and cultural process of high-ranked Sasanian societies have been revealed after the excavation in this cultural zone. The cultural life continued with little changes after the transitional period of Late Sasanian to Early Islamic periods. Keywords: Architecture, Sasanian, Gowriyeh, Ilam.   Introduction In 2005, following the decision of the Ministry of Energy, the construction of the Kangir reservoir dam (Tang-e Shemirān) in the borderline of Iran-Iraq was commenced. It was completed in winter of 2015 and loaded with water. Although the field research was conducted as a rescue project following the construction of the Kangir dam, but the team paid attention also to goals such as chronology of the remains and the identification of constructions styles of such buildings and residential areas (Gowriyeh  was situated at the height of 1022.5m in relation to the dam structures. After the impounding of the dam, it went underwater). One of them was gaining more information about the construction of residential areas in western Iran during Sasanian Period and about the transitional phase between Sasanian and Islamic periods in the region. In order to reach the mentioned goal, questiones were developed in minds, such as the followings: Are these architectural structures belonging to sasanian periods remained in use during the early Islamic centuries? What are the main characteristics, architectural decorations and construction materials used in building? What factors influenced their art styles? What could we say of the function of the buildings? The corresponding assumptions were also as the followings. In some historical texts, the establishment of such structures is attributed to the early Islamic centuries, but it is more logical to assume their construction was originally of Sasanian era, reusing in early Islamic period with some modifications. The buildings were constructed mostly using the locally-found rubbles and Semi-baked and beaten gypsum mortar. The architect(s) and decoration artist(s) of the buildings have binded themselves to consider elements and variables such as natural topography, local climate and environmental characteristic and even religious beliefs. In addition to what mentioned, it seems that plus following the common artistic styles of the period, the builders were also influenced by local traditions. Considering the architectural style of the buildings and the associated finds, the buildings most likely held residential-formal function. This research takes advantage of a historical-interpretative approach with an analytical-descriptive nature. As mentioned, apart from bibliographic studies (historical texts), the results of field excavations and the associated post-excavation analyses of finds were used to conduct the research. The cultural finds were also compared to the ones recovered from the earlier projects in the region.   Identified Traces Gowriyeh  is located at about 800m South of Sartang-e Soflā village in Zarneh, Eyvan county in some 65km northwest of Ilam at the height of about 1029m asl (UTM: 605380m E, 3752210m N,. The area is surrounded by mountains in the north and east; with Kangir river flowing in north and northwest at the distance of about 190m. Kangir is flowing across Eyvan plain and Soūmār, and ends in Iraq. From the viewpoint of historical geography, Gowriyeh were located in a part of the state of Māsbazān which was called Ariyohān. Due to having enjoyable cool and mountainside climate, the region was using as hunting and recreational area during Sasanian and early Abbasid Periods. It seems the reason behind the vacancy was largely due to an earthquake that was occurred in the region. According to a warning given by the authorities that water loading of Kangir river dam leads to the flooding of the Southern part of the building first, the excavation was begun in this area. The excavation led to the discovery of a rectangular building, 33×25m in dimension (825m2 in surface area), containing 10 rooms. The architecture in Gowriyeh resembles other Sasanian buildings in having hall, Eyvans, rooms and as such, enclosing an open space (courtyard) in the middle. Some architectural elements of this building include rectangular or rounded piers and columns, arches and vaults and stucco decorations with pebbles and Semi-baked beaten gypsum mortar as constructions material. The foundations has various heights which have been made using rubbles and gypsum mortar and finally covered with a layer of gypsum plaster. One of the main features of this building is the presence of load-bearing walls made from rubbles and gypsum mortar. The widespread use of gypsum and various arches are the legacy of sasanian styles. The building also features stucco decorations comparable to the royal palaces and noble residences of the era. The ubiquity of pilaster columns and niches as means of wall decoration is another similarity between Gowriyeh and other contemporaneous buildings.   Conclusion salvage excavation were in Gowriyeh due to the construction of Kangir dam. according to Geology studies in the area of influence of natural factors on the construction of Gowriyeh. Gowriyeh building has a rectangular plan similar to the plan of the contemporary royal buildings and consists of a number of rooms with courtyards and interiors. The construction materials are rubble and Semi-baked beaten gypsum mortar. This building, similar to other Sasanian buildings have been built without foundation and walls were made directly on the bedrock. The main roof coverings are in the form of barrel vault, but various arches have been used for the doorways and niches. According comparative studies, the main construction phase in Giwriyeh was of Sasanian Period. Then, the buildings were reused during early Islamic Period. The construction of such a building could be interpreted in relation to the natural landscape around it and in this regard, Gowriyeh is considered a Sasanian daskareh and a noble residence. According to the historical texts, Māsbazān region, which Ariyohān was also a part of it, was a Sasanian region sometimes used for recreational purposes during late Sasanian and early Islamic periods. Gowriyeh went eventually underwater after the impounding of Kangir river dam during the winter of 2015.

The stucco art in the Sassanid period is of great importance in the history of Sassanid art, because this art was not only to decorated buildings but also to created them for political and religious purposes. The application of stucco art of this period it can be seen in the decoration of arches, pillar bases, column stems, capitals and additional decorations related to corner of walls. One of the most important subjects of this art in the Sassanid period is the motifs of the goddess Anahita and related symbols that have been obtained in sites such as: Hajiabad, BandianDargaz, Ctesiphon, Kish, Shush, TepeHessar and ChalTarkhan. Although the study of various researchers and archaeologists on the stucco of the Sassanid period began in the early 1930s, but so far little research has been done on the identification of gypsum sculptures of the goddess Anahita. Therefore, there are still unknown aspects about the importance and role of the goddess Anahita in the stucco art of the Sassanid period.In this article, the following questions were asked: 1.What time the goddess Anahita appeared in the form of woman on the stucco of the Sassanid period? 2.What are the typologies related to the human incarnation of the goddess Anahita on the stucco of the Sassanid period? 3.What criteria can be used to identify the statues and plaster plaques of the goddess Anahita? By studying the gypsum designs of the goddess Anahita from the mentioned sites, by descriptive-analytical library method, it can be said that the peak incarnation of the goddess Anahita was in the fourth and especially the fifth centuries AD. Plaster motifs of the goddess Anahita also include: full-length statues and bust plaques of the goddess Anahita and related plant symbols. Symbolic plants related to the goddess Anahita include: lotus flower, half palmettes and pomegranate fruit. The goddess Anahita is depicted with raised ribbons, an arch with side pillars, a jug of water, a light around her head, and a ring of power. Keywords: Sassanid Period, Stucco Art, Gypsum Motifs, Anahita Goddess, Symbolic Plants. Introduction Anahita is one of the high-ranking goddesses in the Zoroastrian religion who is constantly mentioned and praised in Avestan and Pahlavi texts. The history of the presence of this goddess in Iran dates back to pre-Zoroastrian times, which is known as one of the pre-Zoroastrian gods. During the Sassanid period, major changes took place in the Zoroastrian religion, which was in line with the political goals and interests of the priests and kings. The status of the goddess Anahita rises during the reign of Nerse (303-293 AD), and the royal Dihim it gives to the Sassanid emperor that the Sassanid kings to receive from Ahura Mazda previously. Lack of archaeological studies on gypsum works has caused them to be mistakenly introduced as Christians or Sassanid princes in cases such as the gypsum plaque of the goddess Anahita in Susa or the half-plated plaques on Hesar and Ctesiphon. Therefore, the lack of studies and the lack of diagnostic criteria for the goddess Anahita, has caused problems in some cases to distinguish the designs of the goddess Anahita from the designs of women or princes of the Sassanid period in the subject of stuccoes. Therefore, there are still vague and unknown aspects about the importance, position and role of the goddess Anahita in the stucco art of the Sassanid period. In this article, by describing, comparing and typology of gypsum sculptures and plaques of the goddess Anahita and related symbols, the criteria for distinguishing such motifs are also discussed. The research in this article is library method in the descriptive-analytical form. In this research, all the published information about gypsum motifs attributable to the goddess Anahita was studied, which it have been obtained from the Sassanid sites of Hajiabad, Bandian Dargaz, Shush, Hong-E Norouzi, Tappeh Hissar, Umm Al-Zaatar, Al-Ma’aridh IV and Kish. In the next step, a detailed description of gypsum motifs of the goddess Anahita is done and then a comparison of these gypsum motifs with the motifs of the goddess Anahita on other works of art such as: rock reliefs, metal wares and seals are discussed. The criterion of analysis in this article is the accuracy in the details of the motifs of these full-height gypsum sculptures and busts of the goddess Anahita and the associated symbols, which it was indicated differences between the motifs of the goddess Anahita and related symbols with other motifs of gypsum statues in the Sassanid period.   Research Findings The research findings are includes the designs of the goddess Anahita and related symbols on the stucco art of the Sassanid period. These motifs are includes: 1. Full-length plaster sculptures and plaques of the goddess Anahita in the sites of Hajiabad, Bandian Dargaz, Shush, Hong-E Norouzi, 2. Busts of the goddess Anahita inside square and round frames (plaques and medallions) in the sites of Tappeh Hissar, Umm Al-Zaatar, Al-Ma’aridh IV and Kish, 3. Plant and animal motifs As a symbol of the goddess Anahita. In the Hajiabad site, gypsum statues of the goddess Anahita have been found in the form of clothing and naked. A very similar example of the goddess Anahita statue with clothing can be seen in the relief of Nerse in the Naqsh-e Rostam. The motifs of the goddess Anahita with a pot of water in her hand have also been seen among the stuccoes of Bandian Dargaz site. A very similar example to this plaster sculpture can be seen in the motif of the goddess Anahita with a pot of water in her hand in the great arch of Taq-e Bostan. In Shush, a gypsum plaque with the motif of the goddess Anahita with hijab can be seen inside the arch with side columns. Among the Hong-e Norouzi, a broken statue of a naked woman measuring 80 x 40 cm can be seen. This piece is completely similar to the plaster motifs of the naked Anahita goddess in Hajiabad, Fars. In the Sassanid palace of Tepe Hissar, Umm Al-Zaatar, Al-Ma’aridh IV and Kish gypsum plaques have been obtained, which consist of decorative margins of half-palmet plant motifs and lotus flowers with a busts of female - Anahitta Godess- in the center.   Conclusion Archaeological evidence shows that the human representation of the goddess Anahita on Sassanid art dates back to the time of Nerse and in the Naghsh-e Rostam rock relief, and later kings created the motif of the goddess Anahita from the fourth century, especially the fifth century AD. Therefore, the peak of gypsum motifs is related to the goddess Anahita in the fourth century and especially in the fifth century AD. The diagnostic criteria of the goddess Anahita were included: a pot of water, ribbons raised from behind the goddess, a circle of light around the head and a ring of power in the hand. Symbolic plants of the goddess Anahita can be mentioned bedding patterns, lotus flowers, iris flowers, half-palmettes (palm leaves) in the shape of wings and pomegranate fruit. These plant motifs have been used in the stucco art of the Sassanid period separately and in combination with each other. The only animal motif that is attributed to the goddess Anahita on the Sassanid stucco is the gypsum motifs of cows, which are limited to Hajiabad and Kish sites.

Cultural and natural identity of Iranian has long been evident in the way they live, in other words, entrances are among the most important parts of the buildings that are built in the form of door and façade. Façade is an architectural element showing the beliefs of the person who constructed the building. The Qajar era was a period of innovation and new developments in Iran’s art and architecture and among these developments, we can mention the increased relationship with the West and it had directly affected the art and architecture, especially the decoration of buildings. This period was a manifestation of thoughts and ideas of people who are living in this country. This research considers the decorations and typology of doors and façade of Kashan historic monuments in the era of Qajar. The case study is the Qajar buildings of Kashan. Regarding the aforementioned issue, this research aimed to study the decorations related to the architecture of traditional houses of Kashan city; research information was obtained by the author’s survey and based on the field information (photography) and library studies. The most important research question is that what is the form and type of decoration, façade, and doors of the historic texture of Kashan? Results of the research revealed that among the studies and analysis of the entrance space of 23 historic buildings, three types of decorations such as plant, geometric and animal design are common in buildings decoration. In terms of the typology, buildings are mainly historic houses and architecturally they are two types of traditional and integrated buildings. Considering the political and social developments that happened in Iran in the Qajar era, it is possible to distinguish the construction and design of doors and façade of the historic texture of the city in simple and engraved historic types in which economic and social factors seem to play a significant role.  Keywords: Qajar Era, Qajar Building of Kashan, Façade and Entrance of Building, Architecture Array. Introduction The entrance of a historic building is among the important elements of a building. During the Qajar period (1796- 1925) there have been many changes in different aspects of society. Considering the time proximity of the Qajar period to the contemporary era (Pahlavi), there is more knowledge about the decorations related to Qajar architecture. The decorations have progressed during the ups and downs of the Islamic period in Iran according to the facilities of that time and it is evident that these decorations as a result of special cultural conditions of this period, in particular the effects of the western countries, have got special and different features from the cases of the past era. Not so long ago, the entrance of a building represented the opinions, beliefs, and traditions of people who are living there. The historic texture of Kashan had an obvious structure in the past. Enclosure and fortification delineated the boundaries of the neighborhood and several gates that were the entrance of this texture and pathways that ended in the city’s economic artery (bazaars) through the neighborhoods. In this article 23 Qajar buildings in different neighborhoods of Kashan were investigated and the purpose of the research is to study the decorations related to the architecture of the buildings of this period (usually traditional houses) in Kashan city.Identifying and recognizing the tradition and identity used in decorations related to the Kashan architecture as one of the most important bases of the Qajar period have required the research in this subject. The main issue of research is to study the decorations and typology of doors and façade of historic buildings in the Qajar era, therefore the research question is: 1. What are the form and shapes of the façade and frontage decorations and doors of Qajar buildings?  The method and approach of the research are qualitative in terms of examining the decorations related to architecture. So in the first part of the research, the required criteria are suggested as a framework to specify the typology of doors and façade in a historic texture. The second part of the research represents the pictures taken by the author from the entrance of 23 different Qajar building in Kashan city. Due to the wide scope of the topic, the analytical elements, in addition to the text, were summarized in the table and sometimes in the diagram. Generally, this is “descriptive-analytical” research and some research resources were obtained from documentary (library) sources. Research Body Kashan is naturally located in the central part of Iran. The builders of traditional buildings with the power of thinking and recognizing their surroundings were the creators of various forms that, following nature, have shown the individual creativity of their builders (Farrokhyar, 2011:19). Kashan city was highly prospered in the era of Safavid and Qajar. Generally, Qajar houses in Kashan include spaces such as entrance, indoor, outdoor, rooms, courtyard, sub-spaces such as kitchen, and aqueduct. Every building and construction, as a component of culture and architecture, is responsible to give objectivity to a mentality through its exterior form. And this objectivity must have a message which is called the identity of the building and that’s why architecture is a way to measure cultures (Sheykhi, Najari, 2017:7). The major decorations of Kashan historic houses can be divided into inscriptions, plant, geometric and animal designs. Unfortunately, among the studied houses, only three of them had inscription and the rest didn’t have and these engraved decorations on the façade of houses are among the common decorations of Islamic art and it uses the plant motifs in various branches of Islamic art. Types of plant motifs in the decorations of Qajar buildings in Kashan include motifs of shrubbery, four o’clock flower (coneflower), westernization (Golfarang), Islamic motifs, and Toranj, etc. Geometry is one of the sciences that humans have long been familiar with its principles; geometric designs can be observed in Kashan architectural spaces in the form of brickworks, plastering, and so on. Among the geometric designs used in Qajar buildings in Kashan include brandeburg, star motifs, circles, knots, and wick frames. In some buildings, there are motifs related to myths or symbols. Among the historic monuments of Kashan, only in four cases, there have been animals (lion, sun, bird) or mythical (dragon) motifs to decorate the façade or door of the building.   Conclusion Whatever presented here was research on the decoration of the façade, entrance, and doors of buildings remained from the Qajar era in Kashan. According to typology, houses were divided into two types of traditional and integrated.   In terms of decorations, out of 23 buildings, only three of them had inscriptions including the phrase “in the name of God” and in one case there was the name and date of construction of the educational building.  Another group of Kashan building decoration is decorative motifs that are in three forms: plant, geometric, and animal. These motifs adorn the façade or copestone of building from the gable to pediments, or they are in the margins of pilasters. It seems that both social status and economic conditions play a significant role in the entrance spaces, and households of aristocrats are affected by the flow of the West so they have more decorations than the households of the poor or low-income people of society; for instance, houses in neighborhoods of Sultan Mir Ahmad, Mohtasham, Golchaghaneh, and Sarsang were big, aristocrat or semi-aristocrat neighborhoods and their entrance or façade decorations were far more than the neighborhood such as Posht-Mashhad or Darb-Isfahan whose entrance space was simple or traditional. Also, according to the political and social developments that have occurred in Kashan city, it is possible to separate the construction and design of the doors and entrances of the historic texture of this city in two simple and elaborated historic types.

A city is a dynamic context, whose all components interact closely with one another; therefore, planning and managing the dispersal of land uses is of high importance. In past, considering the climate, culture and the needs of society, the architects managed to respond to the demands of the citizens by carefully planning the use of urban lands. Historical baths were among these major uses, which were very important in terms of social, cultural, and sanitary factors. Although these places have lost their importance nowadays, investigating and studying the dispersal of such places helps us determine the access radius, its effect on neighboring land uses and consequently the structural shape of the city. Thus, this study has been conducted considering the historical area, desirability of access radius of historical baths in Tabriz, and the level of distribution relationships between these structures, and other land uses based on social-cultural factors is studied as well. Documentary and library methods have been used to collect the necessary data and information. Tabriz’s Dar-al-Salṭaneh map is a document which the foundation of the research is based on. Abbas Khan Sartip Chenari had this map drawn in Tabriz in 1880. Using this map, the study results indicated that the most dispersal of baths (one-third of them) were within Najaf Goli Khan rampart, which was located in city center. The mean of access radius for historical bath of Tabriz was about 300 meters, and mosques were the only land use with at least one structure within the functional radius of the baths. In addition to the mosques, some other mosques and houses of famous people formed two other land uses many of which were located in this access radius. These results show the structural formation of the city of Tabriz influenced by cultural-religious beliefs and social principles as well as natural factors (mountain, river) which existed in that context. Keywords: Bath, Dar-al-Salṭaneh Map, Dispersal, Access Radius, Neighboring.   Introduction Having a correct understanding of urban space structures and social-cultural issues, designers of the past designed cities that brought comfort and satisfaction to their citizens. Historical cities (like Tabriz) express an invaluable collection of designing principles and rules which have been gradually shaped. It seems that investigating and studying these principles and rules paves the way to find out complex issues in urbanism. Urban design in the context of a city as a whole should be carried out with the knowledge of the characteristics and issues of various parts as components (Tavassoli, 2009: 18). Nowadays, the “land use” is a concept that helps experts study and investigate these components. Land use involves creating a kind of “ecological balance” and “social justice” in the process of urban development of the city and must respond to qualitative goals of human beings such as perception of beauty, sense of spatial identity and sense of belonging to the environment; Because eventually, these factors provide the ground for the “citizens’ comfort and satisfaction” (Mahdizadeh, et al. 2013:286, 291). Furthermore, assessment is one of the basic stages in the process of land use planning and its implementation improves the pattern of urban space and determines the optimum pattern for the urban uses. One of the most important indicators of land use planning has been the quality of access to urban land uses. The definition of access standard is the easy access of people to their desired places, such as shopping, medical care or recreation centers. Consequently, most of the geographers and planners believe that access to basic goods and service is an important indicator of quality of life. Access measurement is used by comparing the access levels of different groups of individuals and families in different places and situations (Gregory et al., 2009:1). Access is influenced by land use patterns, and distribution of their facilities, services and quality is inextricably bound up with social welfare. We should bear in mind that if the best and most beautiful places, in terms of access and living conditions, are faced with a loss or lack of access to benefits and facilities, they cannot be enjoyable and useful for the welfare of the residents. The distribution of environmental welfare is not the issue of the present time; The distribution of environmental welfare is not the only issue; rather, it is influenced by the actions done in the past, just as future welfare is influenced by our present actions (Chapman, 2007: 123). The type of land use and neighboring of land uses and the way of having access to them, both in the short and long term, have had fundamental effects on road safety, travel attractions and vehicle speed. Research Question: The main questions that we sought to answer in this study by analyzing the map of Dar-al-Salṭaneh are as follows: According to the plan of Dar-al-Salṭaneh, what is the relationship between the number and area of baths present in a neighbourhood and the area of that neighbourhood? Is there a logical relationship between neighbourhood land use, the number and area of baths? Considering the fact that Tabriz is located in a cold and mountainous region, what is the logical relationship between the dispersal of baths and climate? Around which neighbourhoods have the historical baths of Tabriz mostly located? and why? Research Method: The present article has been compiled in order to assess and analyze land use in the historical baths of Tabriz using Dar al-Saltanah map (Table 1). The research method in this research is historical-documentary and the statistical method and AutoCAD have been used for analysis. The variables studied in this research are: access radius, the farthest and closest distance of the baths from each other and the neighbouring uses of these structures.   Body of Article The main topics in the structure of this article are as follows: “introducing historical maps of Tabriz”, “investigating dispersal of historical baths of Tabriz in the neighbourhoods”, “assessment of access radius of the baths using Dar-al-Salṭaneh map” and “the assessment of social-cultural approach of the baths and its effects on city structure”. “the map of tarazel-fabouieh, map of fortifications, Tabriz and surroundings’ map, and map of Dar-al-Salṭaneh” are among the pictorial documents still available nowadays. Because of correct drawings and detailed information included in Dar-al-Salṭaneh map, this map was the criteria of our study. In order to easily and correctly investigate dispersal of the baths, the information of the map was presented graphically using AutoCAD. Using the information obtained from this map, the baths located in each neighbourhood, number of the baths in each neighbourhood, and the farthest and closest distances of baths from each other were given in a table. In order to obtain the access radius, the distance of baths from one another was classified and its statistical chart was drawn. Finally, neighbouring uses and the places located next to each bath was analyzed using the mean of the least access radius.     Conclusion The findings of this study about the baths, which were obtained from Dar-al-Salṭaneh map are as follows: there were a total of 67 baths in the map. The highest dispersal of baths in relation to the area belongs to the neighbourhoods of Chahar Menar, Khiaban, and Nobar; these neighbourhoods had commercial-residential, residential-governmental, or merely residential land use. The whole neighbourhoods of Chahar Menar and Khiaban and a part of Nobar neighbourhood were located whithin the region of Najaf Goli Khan rampart belonging to the early Qajar period. The presence of six baths only in the old Bazaar of Tabriz shows the necessity of bath-Bazaar neighbouring. The placement of about one third of the baths in the region within rampart, which was to meet sanitary-social needs, is an indicative of high population in this region. Another achievement of this study is the access radius of 300 meters for an individual access to the baths – whether in terms of gender or age group. Considering climate of Tabriz, which is cold and mountainous, and also lack of riding access to the places in past, an access of radius of 300 meters for each individual seems logical. This shows the wisdom of planners and architects and their knowledge of structure of urban space and social-cultural-commercial issues according to people’s needs in the past, which brought comfort to the citizens. Another point which is worth noting is the formation of cities of the centrality of mosque-bath; because there was at least one mosque within the radius of 300 meters of a bath. This puts more emphasis on the function of baths in the past, which were used as a symbol of hygiene and sanitation beside mosques. In addition to the mosques, other structures which were within 300-meter radius from the baths included other baths, houses of famous people, Bazaar, and Caravansary. An investigation of the map showing the distribution of historical baths in Tabriz and its logical relationship with spaces and neighbouring land use, indicates urban development which was based on natural structures (river, mountain, topography) as well as social-cultural factors.

Over the years, vernacular architecture of each region has been developed in harmony with climate and context in order to provide residence comfort. In southern part of Iran, Bushehr architecture has unique features and distinctive architectural creativity to adapt to the hot and humid climate of the region. This paper aims to define the typology of semi open space Tarmeh. The characteristics of this space in the old town Bushehr have been described in a descriptive-analytical way. For this purpose, 16 buildings with Tarmeh have been selected and analyzed. The research have been accomplished in four stages including historical background and documentation study, case studies identification and survey, data classification and analysis, and definition of various types of Tarmeh. In order to do so, different types of Tarmeh have been studied in terms of location, orientation, architectural features, function, geometry and proportions, access and privacy. The results of the study divided Tarmeh into two categories of external and internal ones which can be distinguished in various forms. Based on the results the function and geometry of Tarmeh is in compliance with the most important passive strategies to provide thermal comfort in such climate including sun protection, shading, and ventilation and air movements. Various functions of Tarameh include seasonal living space, corridor access and climatic function. In the case studies prevalent orientation of Tarmeh is set according to the sea. So in addition to provide proper view, it catches the breezes and though leads the wind flow into the building spaces in depth. The results of the study show that Tarmeh has been used with the aim of benefiting from various aspects as a climatic element, architecture and accessibility factor and geometry, shape and location of two types of internal and external Tarmeh are defined based on the sea orientation to receive the prevailing wind. Keywords: Typology, Bushehr, Semi-open Space, Hot-humid, Tarmeh. Introduction Vernacular architecture always reflects the interrelationship between culture and environment and their interactions with each other. In Iranian architecture, the formation of a building is based on the combination of three patterns of open space, closed and semi-open (Haeri, 2009). Semi-open spaces have been an important part of Iran’s architecture, which in addition to strengthening the architectural relationship with nature, had various climatic, cultural, physical, and psychological functions. The history of semi-open spaces in Iran dates back to more than two thousand years ago as the Achaemenid period. The presence of a porch in the palaces of Pasargada and the Apadana Palace in Persepolis during the Achaemenid period, the Hetra Palace in the Parthian period and the Sarvestan Palace and the Castle of the Girl in the Sassanid period confirm this point. In vernacular architecture of Bushehr, there are different types of semi-open spaces, among which we can name Shanashir, Tarmeh, Bon and Pish-Bon. Due to the climatic conditions of Bushehr and high temperature and humidity, the use of air flow and ventilation is one of the most important strategies for climate design.  So identifying the types of semi-open spaces and their typology can be the first step in the direction and modeling and their application in contemporary architecture. Limited research has been done on semi-open spaces in the hot and humid climate of Bushehr and no research has been done on the semi-open space of Tarmeh. The present article defines the typologies and different functions of the semi-open space of Tarmeh in the vernacular architecture of Bushehr. In order to do so, different types of Tarmeh have been studied in terms of location, orientation, architectural features, function, geometry and proportions, access and privacy. The research hypothesis is that Tarmeh has been used with th aim of benefiting from various aspects as a climatic element, architecture and accessibility factor and geometry, shape and location of two types of internal and external Tarmeh are defined basesd on the sea orientation to receive the prevailing wind. This article aims to define the characteristics of Tarmeh in the vernacular architecture of Bushehr using descriptive-analytical research method to classify its typology. The research method is qualitative research with case study strategy. The research stages include four stages of studying documents and historical background, identifying and examining case studies and samples, analyzing documents and classifying data and compiling different types of Tarmeh.   Identified Traces In Bushehr architecture, there are various combinations of connections between closed, open and semi-open spaces. In the case of Tarmeh, geometry and its proportions depend on the geometry and overall dimensions of the building. The minimum width of the floor is equal to the width of a two-way staircase and its length is equal to the length of one or more rooms. The width of Tarmeh in the studied samples is between 1 to 4.5 meters and in most cases it is equal to 2.5 meters. The length of Tarmeh in the samples is a maximum of 25.8 and a minimum of 3 meters and an average of 10 meters, although the determining factor is the length of Tarmeh, its location and the length of its location. The most common form of Tarmeh is a linear form with a rectangle with proportions. However, by combining the linear geometry of Tarmehs, different types of geometric shapes have been created in different ways. External scales in linear forms, L, T, H and U with an average width of 2.4-3 m and variable length, there are different proportions. The inner ridges are in one, two, three or four sides of the yard and are between 1.1 and 2 meters wide. The height of Tarmeh is usually equal to the height of the floor and is on average 4-4.5 meters. In all the studied samples, the orientations of the external Tarmeh and its location have been considered depend on the sea to receive the prevailing wind. In all coastal cases, Tarmeh is oriented towards the sea and to the northwest and west except in case number 15. In the cases located within the context and not on the seashore, Tarmeh has been constructed in the northwest and west directions and in only three samples it is in the east direction. In four buildings, in addition to the Tarmeh, there is also Shanashir. The use of external Taremeh in combination with indoor Shanashir around the courtyard to create access is common. Indoor and outdoor Tarmeh are mainly located in the vicinity of closed spaces, including 3 doors and 5 doors. In 14 case studies, Tarmeh is on the second floor, in two cases on the first floor and in one case on the third floor.   Conclusion Tarmeh space has been used to benefit various aspects as a climatic architectural element and the space providing privacy. So a common example of Tarmeh can be evaluated from three perspectives: climate performance, architectural performance, and privacy. The climatic effects of Tarmeh can be examined in two ways of reduction in received radiation and increasing ventilation. In addition to creating a more favorable space in terms of thermal comfort and visibility, it also plays a major role in moderating the thermal conditions of its adjacent enclosed space. Lower humidity and more air flow in Tarmeh compared to the adjacent closed spaces, have make it the favorable space for rest, gathering, doing housework and daily activities, temporary seasonal living, corridor and communication space. On the above floors, Tarmeh is the most common space to create access to the other spaces and visual privacy. The results of the study show that Tarmeh has been used with the aim of benefiting from various aspects as a climatic element, architecture and accessibility factor and geometry, shape and location of two types of internal and external Tarmeh are defined based on the sea orientation to receive the prevailing wind.