Manzar
Year:2024 | Volume:16 | Issue:67|Papers Count:7

Yazd emerged at a central point in Iran at the intersection of two main roads, Kerman-Ray and Fars-Khorasan, at least in the Sassanid era. Due to the presence of the Iranian plateau at this point, Yazd turned into one of the cities with low water. However, with the growth in population and consumption, the water shortage in Yazd turned into a crisis. Yazd›s water supply was in Shirkuh, a city 45 kilometers away from Yazd. The cities of Taft and Mehriz were constructed several centuries after Yazd, in the vicinity of Shirkuh. Yazd was initially a fortress serving as a guard and providing road services but gradually expanded. Since huge economic and military activities have long been dependent on the two old roads, Yazd is still a larger city than Taft and Mehriz. It has stronger civilizational and cultural indices compared to the national average, even though it has been farther from the water source.Water, a manifestation of ancient Iranian civilization, received much attention in Yazd and outstandingly excelled. Water in Yazd, this prosperous but waterless city, was conceptualized in two ways: as a verse of existence and a symbol of goodness. It was a manifestation of existence and perfection (the legend of Anahita) and served as a symbol of perfect existence manifesting itself on Earth.The lower and more sensible aspects of water in various shows were an attempt to grab the attention of users using different forms of water. The man-made symbols in natural elements, patterns, characters of nature, language, manners, and the like were the narrators of the beneficial qualities of water in the lives of the people of Yazd. This approach is a necessity for the continuation of life in the water-scarce area and serves as a means of water conservation.The higher and emotional aspect of water›s role in Yazd was creating situations in contact with water and water itself so that users could experience different effects of water. The maximum exposure to the existence of water in various forms was the agenda of expanding the ontological relationship between man and water. The capabilities of water and its various aspects were tangible in spaces and situations where the observer could look at the water from their perspective.The architecture of Yazd is a well-known embodiment of the cultural-civilizational capacity of Yazd. Despite being a waterless city in an arid and barren area (desert), Yazd has been able to achieve superior development indicators. The growth of houses with courtyards centered on the water feature, which is the essence of the architecture of the house, is an example of this embodiment. In the path of the aqueducts passing underground, a connection with water was established wherever possible, so that people could gather around the water’s edge. The garden ditch splitting the ground of the courtyard to flow the water as an exemplary element in front of the residents is another example. The huge fountain in Daulatabad Garden has no justification in a water-scarce environment other than accentuating the glory of water. After carefully researching the formation of architecture in Yazd, it can be said that architecture in this city is based on water landscaping and human contact with water.The cover photo of the author related to the Pahlavanpur Garden Pavilion in Mehriz is an example of landscaping with the approach of maximizing exposure to water and nature. The good feeling that the observer experiences in this space is created by immersion in the landscape through encountering and touching nature.

Despite numerous studies conducted on Iranian gardens, the analytical investigation of the role of gardens in the shaping of pavilions has not received significant attention. In this study, utilizing fractal geometry, we can observe and analyze architectural qualities with mathematical precision and greater detail. This approach aids in re-examining the visual perceptions of the pavilion structure and identifying the missing geometrical value of the garden. This article delves into the relationship between a pavilion and a garden through fractal geometry. The findings are discussed and explored to uncover the architectural complexities of pavilions, which are influenced by the garden and its natural surroundings. A historical garden named Fathabad in the city of Kerman was selected as the case of our study. Fractal dimension analysis is employed to analyze the two pavilions’ facades. The box-counting method was applied to measure the fractal dimensions of the facades at three scales. The results would reveal the relationship between each of the two pavilion facades and the garden. The findings indicate that while different facades share similar architectural elements, they exhibit diverse fractal dimensions. These dimensions reveal the position of each facade relative to the garden’s geometry, and the variable fractal dimension within each level signifies distinct relationships between the levels and the garden axes. Additionally, facades parallel to the main garden pond or those without a direct view exhibit a lower fractal dimension. Although facade openness can serve as a measure of its connection to nature, fractal analysis demonstrates that facades with multiple openings have varied relationships with the garden. Furthermore, the analysis of decorative elements reveals that in parts of the facade with fewer openings, ornamentation may be influenced by the garden’s natural features. In summary, fractal geometry elucidates how the garden and its elements impact different parts of the facades of the two pavilions.

There are several spaces in cities that are never used, although citizens are allowed to be in them. It seems that these spaces are invisible and do not exist. The existence of these spaces can be caused by various factors, such as weakness in planning and design, or functional and physical limitations. By ignoring them, social and safety issues will arise over time and also they can turn into a weakness for the city. This is despite the fact that many of these spaces have the potential to turn into quality places. This article which is a type of field research, describes the experience of Hamsaakht Urban Activists Society-NGO in revitalizing an urban void adjacent to Sobhani Square in Shiraz, Iran to find how activists and non-governmental organizations can be effective in revitalizing urban voids, with the participation of users, and what challenges do they face in this way? And what effects will the revitalization of this urban void have on other similar spaces in the neighborhood? The current research methodology involves field research using the observation technique of sample members. Activists encourage residents to participate and develop a sensitivity towards the space, to improve their sense of belonging. The aim is to determine whether meaningful physical changes will occur in this place compared to other similar spaces in the Maba’as residential complex and what effects these changes will have on other spaces. The research results indicate that despite the success of tactical urbanism methods, users were hesitant to actively participate in costs and social capital was inadequate due to a lack of trust in city authorities and a generalization to other urban activists. Additionally, a weak sense of belonging was observed due to rental and instable accommodation. However, the project had a positive impact on the municipality and board members of the Maba’as residential complex, and steps have been taken to revitalize similar urban voids.

Mehr Housing now deals with a serious quality of residence, which is rooted in its planning system. The housing planning approach in Iran- the custodial approach- that emerged in the frame of a comprehensive plan influenced by the modernism movement in Europe is the reason for this crisis due to its specific attitude towards the space and atomist worldview. On the contrary, the landscape approach with its “holistic” attitude considers the improvement of residence quality depending on a system of space that guarantees the quality improvement in the frame of dual perceptual-physical criteria. This study aims to compare those components that affect the quality of residence within two “planning” and “landscape” approaches and asks what kind of relationship exists between components affecting the quality of residence within two landscape and planning approaches at different levels in Iran.  The purpose of this study is to achieve a strategy to improve the quality of residence in Mehr Housing through a comparative analysis of the theoretical foundations of “planning approach” as the custodial approach of Mehr Housing and the landscape approach. The research method of this study is qualitative based on the theoretical analysis of two landscape and planning approaches. The comparison between components affecting the quality of residence in these two approaches was made through logical reasoning. The assessment of data obtained from other studies was done by comparing them with previous components and comparison between them. Due to its sectoral and partial view on some components of quality in the residence environment, the “planning approach” could not guarantee the quality of the environment despite the importance of these components. This is the incident that has responded to the different needs of occupants by improving the quality of residence within the landscape approach in the frame of “spatial arrangement” and creating a “whole” that is simultaneously perceptual and functional. Hence, it is possible to revive the potential social capital in the Mehr Housing Project by “modifying” the conditions of the environment with an idealistic attitude- adopting a landscape approach.

In harmony with other aspects of civilization, Iranian cities, in the face of modernity, have taken a new step in their existence and, alongside the physical transformation and the emergence of architectural and urban spaces with a new configuration, have experienced a novel dimension of social space. Baharestan Square is a tangible example of this new spatial arrangement, which at the end of the Qajar era, outside the established order, transformed into a center of social activism and the libertarianism of the constitutionalists. This study, within the framework of a critical paradigm, seeks to explore the factors and forces that have shaped Baharestan Square as a civic space in modern urban order in the historical space-time of Tehran during the constitutional era. It aims to give voice to the overlooked aspects of this experience by narrating its social space, contrary to one-sided physical or symbolic analyses. Civic space, as the final layer of urban public space, is a living space that, with society’s dominance over it, becomes a discursive and socio-political platform for citizens, allowing the free spirit of society to regenerate through the support of its institutions. Based on the interpretation of this study, Baharestan Square, during the constitutional era, became the possession of the constitutionalists, backed by urban independence and detachment from the cohesive network of public spaces, creating a discursive platform through the presence of the progressive institution of the parliament, associations, and affiliated organizations, as well as the diversity and multiplicity resulting from the formation of a modern society, and also, pursuing demands and litigations with the establishment of the dualism of the government and the nation, which, along with fundamentally disrupting the traditional governing order, brought the social life of the city into a completely novel existence and introduced a new experience of placemaking in the public spaces of the city.

The landscape is formed based on the continuous relationship between the communities and their natural environment, and as a natural-cultural phenomenon and the common asset of the communities, it has great merit. In this approach, the landscape is the product of the struggle between groups with different interests and goals, including societies and management institutions. This issue is particularly prominent in the landscape of the seaside cities. Even though the placement of areas with social and natural values such as Chahkooh Canyon and mangrove (Hara) forests on the UNESCO World Heritage List creates a valuable opportunity for constructive conservation, it may be associated with damages such as maximum intervention in the landscape or its abandonment. So these landscapes, as a result of ignoring each case’s social context and place-specificity, may turn into unproductive spaces asynchronous with the constantly changing interaction of man and the environment. By considering cities such as Qeshm and Bandar Khamir as tourist destinations based on natural resources, it is necessary to pay attention to natural resources such as the sea as a common heritage and asset between the two agencies of local communities and institutions of power and to explain strategies for balancing the manner and extent of intervention and exploitation of the sea and other natural contexts associated with it. The inherent value of sites known as the common human heritage representing the temporal-spatial dynamics derived from natural processes and the cultural biodiversity resulting from the coexistence of man and nature and the need to fill the gap between disciplines of geography and social sciences are the necessities of research. The purpose of this study is to analyze the management of landscapes with cultural and natural value as a common human asset, using the capacities of local communities, the different dimensions of the concept of “natural-cultural heritage” are specified and provide strategies for more sustainable management of the cities of the sea. The methodology in the present research is qualitative and case study with an analytical approach to explain the conceptual model of the landscape as a common asset. One set of data was collected using library research to explain the theoretical grounds of the study, and another set of data was gathered through a field case study. The complete lack of integrity of local communities and management institutions in the case studies has led to the wasting of tourism capacities and the creation of an unproductive space. The interdisciplinary approach to the landscape focuses on points of agreement and commonality, demonstrating the emerging context and guidance for bridging the nature-culture gap through the application of the cultural and social capabilities of local communities. Because of the different values of the landscape as a common resource, it is inextricably linked to the communities and the people who make them. Attitude toward the landscape of the seaside cities as a living entity and subject to the allocation and reuse of activists based on the three principles of balance, flexibility, dynamism, and moderation will lead to more efficient and sustainable management.

The cultural landscape, as a subsystem of the landscape, is influenced by rural development as a process towards village advancement. In recent years, the villages of Kuhdasht County in Lorestan, as villages caught between the duality of city and countryside, have been damaged by colonial development plans that, although adopted with the promise of rural improvement, have led to the destruction of the village identity. This article examines three villages—Khosrowabad, Pai Astan, and Abolvafa—in Kuhdasht County, Lorestan Province, through field observation. It appears that the development plans, without consideration of the village’s cultural landscape or merely objective attention to cultures, have undertaken actions under the illusion of development but have gradually altered or destroyed the heritage, values, and identity of the people. To protect the cultural landscape of villages as a form of development, it is necessary for development plans to be place-based and to consider the diversity and differences of cultures, with actions tailored to each specific area.