Political Strategic Studies
Year:2019 | Volume:8 | Issue:29 (59) |Papers Count:9

In the last two decades the concept of social capital and good governance has become one of the main topics of research in political science. The present study is concerned with explaining good governance and the obstacles facing it in terms of social capital. In line with this concern, and based on the claim of the study, the research question can be stated as follows: What is the relationship between social capital and good governance in Iran? Hypothesis with the question is consistent that the realization of good governance depends on the weakness or strength of social capital in Iran. This research, in terms of purpose, is foundational and of the methodology, is descriptive-analysis. Social capital is independent variable and the dependent variable is obstacles to good governance in Iran. The findings suggest the relationship between the failure to achieve good governance and the decline of social capital at the macro level and there are barriers to good governance in Iran. In addition, research shows that barriers in the form of a vicious cycle reproduces one another over the years, and this vicious cycle itself is the biggest obstacle to good governance in Iran.

Despite decades of expansion in international academic fields, the concept of social capital is still an under-researched area in Iranian domestic fields. This term has become a controversial and multidimensional concept, as each branch in the humanities has adopted and applied their own definition of the term, social capital. Giving a functional explanation of the term, this research aims at evaluating the quantitative and qualitative situation of youth’ s political socialization process. The focus of this research is on the relationship between the concepts of ‘ social capital, ’ ‘ socialization’ and ‘ political affair. ’ For the case study, this research focuses on university as a government institution in charge of political socialization in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Specifically, the research tries to explore the effects of social capital on political socialization process of undergraduate students in public universities in the city of Tehran. The hypothesis of this research is that the higher the level of social capital in public universities in Tehran, the more successful the universities are in realizing the political socialization function of their undergraduate students. Eventually, this study will investigate effective contexts in the process of political socialization to highlight the political functions of social capital.

This paper aims to measure the level of political trust and identify important variables and factors effect it in Kurdistan. The hypothesis was that: degree of political confidence in this province generally is lower than average and this situation is influenced by the political background and status Security of province, ethnic policies of the state, performance of central and local institutions and officials, position and opportunities for social and political participation of citizens and regional and international factors. This hypothesis was tested by using the survey. Statistical population included 490 persons of 15 to 64 years old is the province. The findings of the paper show that, first, the average political trust in the province is higher than the average. Secondly, the variable "satisfaction with the performance of government policies"(0/76) has been greatest effect on degree of the people political trust in the province and then there have been 'membership in associations and civil society organizations"(0/59), "socioeconomic status"(0/36), "regional and international factors"(-0. 28), "Media and mass communication"(0/28), "religion(0/18), "inter-ethnic trust"(0/11) and "ethnic identity" (0/10) variables. According to the findings of the article, it is necessary for the central government and local and regional authorities to further increase security policies and practices, employment opportunities, prosperity and participation opportunities in the province.

The immigration is an important subject in the world and the Middle East. This subject has been affected economic, social and political factors. The main question of this research is why Iranians immigrants move to Kuwait and how could affect the political, social and economic relations between two countries? Hypothesis of this research is that we can explain the causes of immigration on the basis of two theories: the theory of attraction and repulsion and model of cost-benefit. The variables in the national, regional and international levels explain the trends of immigrations of Iranians to Kuwait including: Petrol, Islamic Revolution, the Persian Gulf War, Relationships between Iran and Saudi Arabia and etc. Research findings show Iranian immigrants are important minority in this country. But governments of two countries couldn’ t have a share from this potential in extension of their relations. The causes of them are on vision of Kuwait government to immigrants as stranger, be Shia most of them and not pay attention of Iran government to them and their economical vision for business. The research with analytic and descriptive method try to study why and effect of immigration and Iranian immigrants on relations between Iran and Kuwait.

The Persian Gulf is one of the world's premier geographical areas. This region includes the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council countries plus Iran and Iraq. The study seeks to answer the question of which scenarios will be the future of the relationship between Iran and the Cooperation Council at 1404 horizons. The present study uses 5methods of futuristic research, namely, cross-impact analysis, 5 key factors; the attitude of the rulers of Iran and the Cooperation Council countries towards each other; increasing the arms and military rivalry of the member states of the Council and Iran with the aim of hegemony in The region, fears of the Shiite Crescent Celestial Theory and the Centenary Revolutionary Guards have been identified with the aim of confronting Iran and identity differences, the future of Syria, Iraq, Yemen on the relationship between Iran and the future of Iran's nuclear program. These proxies were used as the underlying factors in the Scenarios program. Finally, with multiple analyzes, including a panel of experts, out of 128 possible scenarios, 4 possible scenarios were identified: war boats, warships, passenger ships, and shipwreck. Eventually, the scenario of Warship identified as a probable scenario with a high probability of introducing the passenger ship's scenario as a preferred and desirable scenario for Iran.

The creation of different movements in region during last decades has led to huge amount of studies on these movements to distinguish their reason, state and aims. This essay focuses on descriptive-analytic method and comparative method to study Ikhvan al Moslemin movement and Fethullah Gü len movement, and to name their similarities and differences. The hypothesis is that these movements resemble in their methods and differ in the way of looking at religion and politics. The results of the study show that the two movements are different in subjects like religion, government and secularism and are similar in topics like democracy and mysticism. The results also certify that although the two movements have a world-inclusive aim, the Gü len movement included the whole world and Ikhvan al Moslemin movement included Islamic world only. It should be mentioned that although both of these movements have done economic, advertising and social activities, Ikhvan's social activities were more than Gü len's.

The analytical and critical recognition of the place of Jihad's component in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior form the core of the paper. It has been attempted to answer the fundamental question based on the qualitative methodology of historical analysis and documentation and the means of pinpointing which component of jihad is in ISIS's intellectual and political behavior. The findings of the paper show that such as denial of defensive jihad and the emphasis on Jihad Fatah, placing jihad under the principles of religion, customary and individualizing jihad, expanding the scope of jihad inclusion, ignoring the rules of Jihad and emphasizing on total violence and new innovations in Jihad, such as jihad marriage, medicine, children, and cyber-media jihad constitute the basic components of the Islamic State's view of jihad. From the perspective of ISIL, jihad has become conceptualized and used as an instrumental means, and the result of their false and distorted religious views has been manifested in the form of a heinous and brutal act.

Postmodernism, as the current which has emerged out of developments in the modern world, and by enjoying the critical discourse of modernity, has created many effects on various spheres, including in the political arena. In this research, by raising this question that, what is the relation between post-modernism and politics, this hypothesis is formulated that, postmodernism, when implemented in politics, under the influence of relativistic attitudes in the ontological, epistemological and ethical spheres, offers a cynical and skeptical approach to power and rule, which leads to suspension the possibility of any political judgment or political action. In order to test this hypothesis, and by taking advantage of a coherent conceptual framework, first, the genealogy of this current, based on modernity’ s process of change and evolution, is investigated and then, by analyzing different aspects of postmodern though in the realm of ontological, epistemological, ethics and politics, the consequences of this approach, on the political and related areas of power and politics, are analyzed.