Sociological Review
Year:2017 | Volume:23 | Issue:2 |Papers Count:11

The documentary movie, “Baad-e Jen ” made by Naser Taghvai represents the “Zaar” ritual at the south of Iran. The paper tries to answer the following questions: what aspects of this rite are represented in this movie? Were the movie “Baad-e Jen” able to document the social functions of this ceremony? And more importantly, does this ritual give a tangible meaning to people’s lives? Thus, the two dimensional theoretical synthesis of the “Dual conflicts theory” of Lévi Strauss and “the role of rituals in solving the human conflicts” of Mary Douglas were used. The methodologies used in this study were the qualitative content analysis and the topic inductive conception. Findings analysis were conducted using the maxqda10 qualitative data analysis software were used and in order to increase the reliability, the intercoder agreement tool of the software were used. 5 dual conflicts were resulted from the context analysis of the movie. conflicts include: the conflict of Heath and Disease, the conflict of crowd-individual, the conflict of relatives and outsiders, the conflict of Good and Bad, and the conflict of nature and supernatural. the most important result of this study is that firstly, the conflicts observed by Strauss in human nature and his behaviors seem correct and secondly, as Douglas has mentioned, these conflicts are solved in the form of Baad-e Jen ritual and the ways it is treated also are solved by these rituals, thus human can live a life of traditions and be released from its conflicts.

Islamic fundamentalism is the product of political modernity in the Middle East. This formation is due to the orientalist representation of the Islamic world. In the center of the West’s Representation policies, the political Islam and its embodied violence have been saw as the essential of Islam and considered as the collective spirit of Muslims. The outcome of this process is de-historicizing of Islamic world and myth-making out of it. One of the means of myth-making in the Islamic world is media reflection. The West has a widespread hegemony over publishing media images, one of the main media focuses of Islam and Muslims and consequently proliferating Islamophobia policies is publishing caricatures related to the Islam Prophet in recent years. Barthe’s mythology provides us with a critical outlook by means of which we can decode myth in the present time and decipher the basci ideology of it. This study, by taking into account the presupposition that images have social-historical implications, tries to semioticize the caricatures of the Prophet in the light of a mythological system. Finally, the latent myths in these caricatures have been revealed and their social-historical implications have been decoded. Islamic terrorism, the clash of civilizations and the end of history are myths propagated by these caricatures and naturalize the political Islam. The aim behind these myths is to defamiliarize the process of capital flow under the cover of war against terrorism and defense of expression freedom. These hegemonic images are process of systematic de-politicizing from global ravage and plunder which is guided by populist and conservative currents.

The representation of Kurds in post-revolutionary Iranian cinema is based on a binary opposition according to which they are either a traditional, hospitable and simple-hearted people or some aggressive, deceived and restive one. This picture which has been showed especially in a genre named Defamogadas and some other films and serials was itself basically the result of tensions occurred during the early years of revolution and Iraq war. After the war this image of the Kurds changed gradually. Some writers and artists tended to represent a more realistic image of this ethnic group. Takhtesyah and Bad Ma ra Khahad Bord are the products of this period. These two films were produced at the end of eightieth and tried to show a very different picture of the Kurds. This article attempts to interpret this image using postcolonial theoretical concepts and symptomatic reading in methodology. The findings show that the image of the Kurds in these two films is made through using old and common perceptions of them in Iranian oral culture. According to this perception, the Kurds are identifies with images like pure nature, old lifestyle, simple-mindedness and resistant to progress.

Modern Iranian intellectualas played a crucial role in the establishment of the "constitutional state" with democratic and constitutionalistic demands and the emergence of "Rezakhan government" relying on a tyrannical coup d'etat in a short period of time (1285-1304).This article deals with the evolution of the Iranian intellectuals' discourse from the constitutional revolution up to the emergence of Rezakhan government and demonstrates how the constitutionalistic cause was substituted for tyranny and obligatory (Zoor) practices were substituted for pursuing awareness. The intellectuals' attitude towards the people (Mardom) evolved and the claim that the "insane people" (Mardom-e-Nadan) needs "education" (Tarbiat) became the central point in social and cultural policy making during Reazakhan government.Although the constitutional state faced a great deal of problems from the very beginning of its establishment and was not able to fulfill its promises because of internal disagreements and external defiances of the powerful traditional structures of the Iranian society, the incidence of the World War I had a remarkable influence on the evolution of the intellectuals' discourse. In fact, the War threatened social and political structures of the Iranian society and ignored its territorial integrity and political govrnance and resulted in failure of the constitutional movement. On the other hand, groups of the intellectuals supporting both sides of the War actively participated in it and the experience of the people's refusal in response to their call for helping them ended in change of their attitude towards the people (Mardom) and their ethos and qualifications. At the end of this period, "the education of the nation" (Tarbiat-e-Mellat) and the necessity of making them to participate in the modernization programs turned out to be the most fundamental proposition of the intellectual's discourse relying on Rezakhan's enlighted tyranny. Faucoultian way of analysis is utilized to explain the evolution of the discourses.

This study was conducted sociological factors affecting the tendency of students to vandalism. This study is survey reaserch and tools information collection is questionaire. The population, high school students in Tehran Sample size with Cochran formula is 384 persons and inorder to acces to total population used  simple random and cluster samplnig. The theoretical framework of this research is the failure theories Mnrlty Cohen, lower-class culture Miller, anomie, the differential companion Sutherland, anomie theory and family structure and socialization have formed. In order to assess the validity have used from methods face validity and techniques Confirmatory Factor analysis and In order to assess the Reliability used from Cronbach'sCoefficient Alpha. So inorder to analyze in formation, we have used spss and lisrel And to investigate the factors influencing the tendency of students to vandalism used from Pearson correlation and structural equation modeling. The results showed that relative deprivation feeling, the feeling of anomie and associate with delinquent peers is a significant inverse relationship with the tendency of students to vandalism And variables economic-social and socialization relationship direct and significant with tendency of students to vandalism, also results of structural equation modeling showed that 24 percent of changes tendency to vandalism explained by the independent variables.

The ransom theory of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain (pbuh) is briefly based on the idea that the martyrdom of Imam Hussain (pbuh) was the requirement of a covenant, made prior to the creation of the sensible world between God and him, on the basis of which the sins of the shias will ultimately be expiated. This interpretation that was elaborated in detail for the first time in the Qajar era by some of the Shi’i clergies, recently has emerged again in the Iranian discursive sphere after the Islamic revolution of 1979. In past ages, specifically during the Constitutional revolution (Enghelab-e Mashruteh) and Islamic revolution, this interpretation had been criticized strongly by the political discourse of the Karbala event, however at least just such criticisms witnessed to the partial popularity of ransom interpretation among the shi’i mass. It seems that the unprecedented transformations which has occurred in form of popular religiosity during past two decades as well as modifications in hegemonic political discourse in I.R. Iran corroborate the correlation between these changes and the reemergence of the ransom theory of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain (pbuh).This article claims that the second generation of ransom theories in Iran usually tends to depoliticize the shiah understanding of the Karbala event along with neglecting the social reality of the sacred symbols and ideas. Moreover such theories were grounded on a strongly individualistic apperception of religion and religious life. Therefore, this article supports the claim that the aforementioned tendency in ransom theories, is related to the growing “religious individualism” and the other modifications that lead the traditional forms of religiosity in Iran to a kind of “religious neo-pragmatism”. On the other hand, the alterations which has occurred in political discourse of I.R. Iran parallel to the consolidation of its political sovereignty and the beginning of the post-revolutionary era, paved the way for some scholars and intellectuals to distance from political-revolutionary interpretation of Karbala event.

Importing digital Communicative instruments to the world has revelutionized the life styles and word relations both in width and intensity and its effects has been greater then the industrial revolution and in a few decades changed the word more than the whole are of its history. ICT’s (Information and communication technology) with a new process called globalization encompasses not only the economy but also the whole structures governing in men’s Life and even his or her thougth and created a new condition called digital and thought slavery. In this article, it has been tried to pose and define such concepts as globalization, ICT’s and digital slavery and the relations among them and explain the new conditions created by them.The method of this study has been fundemental-theoretical in its purpose and based on the rational-logical reasoning and documentary in its administration and based on theoretical base. The findings and reasonings of this article suggest that today slavery imoses in new form and condition and the gap between the developed contries reljed on Information and services indusrty and the nondigital contries relied on natural resources has been increased extraordinarily.

Union decline is one of the common characteristics of the world economies in the recent decades. This causes dramatic changes in the global working-class associational power. In this article, by using a documentary method, Iranian post-revolutionary working-class associational power has been studied in three spheres (production, exchange and politics). The results show that in the sphere of production, Iranian contemporary working-class is organized into three depended and limited works council forms including Islamic Works Council, Syndicates (Anjoman Senfi) and workers representatives. In the sphere of exchange they have been organized in the same trade unions (in regional and national levels) as those that have originated from the works council in the sphere of production. Furthermore, the results show that in the sphere of politics there was only one ideological and undemocratic labor party (Khaneh Karegar) which has permission to work after the revolution (1979). On the other hand, after Islamic revolution trade union density (membership) rate has been dramatically low. Finally, we can argue that the constant weakness of the working-class associational power has compatibility with the global union decline in neoliberal order.

In this article we are in pursuit of explaining the importance of subject in German idealism philosophy. We want to show the strong relevance of subject with action in idealist philosophers’ thoughts. One of the significant aims of the article is showing that Marx’s thought is exactly the continuance of the same tradition in idealism as to both subject and action play substantial role in Marx’s philosophy and thought. In another words, the central and main scheme of the article is showing the relation between Marx and German idealism philosophy addendum explaining the role of subject and action in his thought. In this article we claim Marx have trod in and continued German idealism philosophy; and although his thought has some differences with the mainstream of the tradition, but should be understood in terms of it. For demonstrating the mentioned claim, first we have scrutinized the importance of subject and its relation with action in thoughts of three landscape idealist philosophers Kant, Fichte, and Hegel; and then have showed the continuance of Marx’s thought in exactly the same trace in terms of explaining the reason of his divergence from Feuerbach.

The purpose of this paper is presenting a new reading of relationship between power and culture in new society. According to this purpose and based on a theoretical analysis we tried to search the known approaches about the meaning of Power and culture and their relationship From the Past to the present century writer has been recognized three approaches about this relation according to typo logic approaches, first, conservational and formal, second, idealistic and theological which means neoconserrational and third, radical and critical. The conclusion of these arguments is that beyond Marx's idea (which believes culture is produced by Power and it Saves economical Profits) culture is produced by power, but for achieving other purposes like economic, social and cultural. In fact power seekers with manipulating, producing and reproducing of culture not only interested in continuity and strengthening of the economical profits but also interested in symbolic using of it which means symbolic capital and social prestige.