SPEKTRUM IRAN
Year:2018 | Volume:31 | Issue:4 |Papers Count:7

GERMAN: In den letzten Jahren sind wir Zeuge davon, dass bewaffnete terroristische Gruppen in der westasiatischen Region entstanden sind. Diese Gruppen haben durch ihre Maßnahmen ein grausames Bild von den islamischen Vorschriften präsentiert, von der Wiederbelebung des Emirates und des islamischen Kalifats gesprochen, gegen die regierenden Staaten im Westen Asiens gekämpft, durch ihre Attentaten in und außerhalb der islamischen Welt sowie durch Bestimmung neuer geopolitischen Grenzen die Aufmerksamkeit der Welt auf sich gelenkt.

GERMAN: Die Erzählung des Fischers ist eine der bekanntestenErzählungen aus Tausendundeine Nacht, eine ziemlich lange Erzählung, die in der dritten Nacht beginnt und bis zur neunten Nacht dauert. Die Zusammenfassung dieser Erzählungist, dass ein armer Fischer ans Meer geht und nach drei vergeblichen Versuchen eingeschlossenes Weinfass fängt, dasmit König Suleyman’s Stempelversehen ist. Sobald er das Fass aufmacht, kommt ein Rauch heraus und durch den Rauch taucht ein Dschinn auf, der auseinem unbekannten Grund geschworen hat, die Person umzubringen, die ihn aus dem Fass befreit. ENGLISH: In one of the first stories of Arabian Nights, “ The Fisherman and Jinni” , there is an obscure expression in which the Arabic word ʻ ahd( عهد ) should mean magic as plot of the story necessitates. In Arabic, ʻ ahd means oath, will, testament and so on, but never means magic. Whereas in the old Persian verse and prose, one can find the Persian word band( بند ) meaning both oath and magic. Therefore, this Arabic expression and possibly the whole story could have an original Pahlavi or Persian version, translated into Arabic, and the Persian band mistranslated intoʻ ahd-instead of siḥ r (magic). Accordingly, the story of “ The Fisherman and Jinni” could be one of the originally Persian stories of Arabian Nights, or at least the above mentioned expression may be counted as a rhetoric story-telling technique in the Iranian magic stories that its mistranslation has become prevalent in Arabian narrations once, and finally established in Arabian Nights.

GERMAN: In diesem Kurzbeitrag möchte ich pavillonartige, beleuchtete und mit Spiegeln verzierte Holzkonstruktionen vorstellen, die im öffentlichen Raum dem Gedenken an früh verstorbene junge Männer und Märtyrer dienen. Diese im Englischen adäquat als memorial structures zu bezeichnenden Gebilde sind meines Wissens bislang als Thema der religiösen materiellen Kultur des Iran nicht wissenschaftlich untersucht worden. Sie sind mir bei zahlreichen Reisen vor allem in Städten des zentralen Iran immer wieder aufgefallen. Neben ihrer photographischen Dokumentation wurden Hinweise auf ihre Funktion und Bedeutung vor Ort gesammelt; weitere Auskünfte verdanke ich Kollegen. ... ENGLISH: In this short contribution the author investigates a hitherto unnoticed aspect of Iranian material religion, namely memorial structures for the dead, especially young male martyrs. These illuminated pavilion-shaped structures are called ḥeğleh, a term which refers to the ḥeğ leh-ye ‘arū sī, the beautifully decorated bridal chamber, and evokes the commemoration of the young martyr Qāsem ibn al-Ḥ asan, who could not consummate his marriage during the battle of Karbala. The devotional practice of setting up a ḥeğleh for a specific period of time (three, seven or even forty days) either on the street in front of the home of the deceased or in front of the shop where he had worked apparently evolved throughout the 20th centuryor even earlier. This memorial structure, which is made by a specialised carpenter, shows formal resemblances to a pavilion as well as to a crown and is often embellished with mirror work and even with a portrait of the deceased. In addition to round structures, one finds rectangular ones with six columns. In the context of Shiʻi piety, such richly decorated ḥeğlehs become a materialisation of the commemoration of the dead.

GERMAN: Einleitung Auch wenn es sehr paradox klingen mag, Goethes poetologische Idee der Weltliteratur auch als ein politisches Manifest bzw. Erbe zu kategorisieren, es gibt jedoch im Sinne der Verfasser dieses Beitrags berechtigte Gründe, dies zu behaupten. Vor allem aus dem Grund, dass der Begriff „Weltliteratur“in den Vorstellungen von Goethe ein kulturelles Phä nomen verkö rpert und eine kosmopolitische Haltung impliziert und mit dieser Maxime den vom nationalistischen Übereifer geprägten Gedankengütern entgegentritt, die eine kulturelle Kampagne gegen die Kulturen des Rests der Welt (eben gegen das Fremde) reflektieren, ist die Thematik eines umgehenden Diskurses würdig. ENGLISH: The idea of global literature is one of the main pillars of Goethe's literary and artistic life. The formation and development of this concept is the result of the considerable devotion that he addresses to foreign literature and the need of reflecting the world literature in his own culture, by the acknowledgment of the capacities and abilities of other cultures. This idea, from a cultural and literary perspective, is in opposition to the extreme nationalist insights by its socio-political, and cosmopolitan dimensions. This argument, especially today, with the re-emergence of the new nationalism, in many countries around the world, has become more important. The following article, relying on the idea of Goethe's universal literature, compares his views with nationalist beliefs and concluded that Goethe emphasizes on "opening the gates of national literature to the literature of other nations, by desiring a mutual influence and inviting the world's thinkers and authors to participate in intellectual exchange, cultural dialogue and international connection". Goethe’ s ideas include some transnational, trans-ethnical, and trans-regional dimensions.

GERMAN: Einleitung: Die Persönlichkeit von Ḥ āǧBektāš Walī ist, wie auch die vieler anderer Šiyḫs der Sufīs, in einen außergewöhnlichen Mythos gehüllt. Beachtlich ist, dass der Bektā šī-Orden nach ihm benannt wurde, und dass im Laufe der Geschichte durch viele seiner Anhänger seine Wunder und legendären Taten vervielfacht wurden, so sehr, dass seine eigentlichen wahren Taten nach den bestehenden Quellen fast nicht zu erkennen sind. ENGLISH: Ḥāǧ Bektāš Walī Ḫ urā sā nī was one of the Sufī Sheikhs, who left his homeland Ḫ urāsān after the Mongol invasion to Iran, and finally settled down in Anatolia. The written sources of his time considered him as a mystic(ʻārif) and one of the wā ṣ ilāns of Ḫ urāsān. Despite Ḥ ā ǧektāš ’ relationship with the leaders of the sociopolitical uprising of Bābā ’ is, and the murder of his brother in that movement, he stayed away from them and focused on training and teaching his followers, who were called Abdā ls. With the rise of the Ottomans, the Bektā š ī order was organized and dominated in Anatolia. The anti-Seljuk nature of the Bā bā ’ is uprising, leads the Seljuks historians tounderestimate them. The historians have not tried to find the causes of Bā bā ’ is uprising or address their thoughts. The Bektā š ī order stablished after Ḥ ā ǧ Bektaš ’ death, and he was at the center of attention and interest of Bektā š ī s; therefore, many miracles and unbelievable stories have been created about him, so that his true character could hardly be recognized. This article deals with the historical sources in which the formation of Bektā š is are mentioned, as well as mystical sources related to the Sufī Sheikhs in Anatolia, and compares them to the mystical sources of Alevi-Bektā š ī s, to shed light on the historical character of Ḥāǧ Bektāši Walī.

GERMAN: Einführung: Dieser Artikel möchte auf der Basis der Elemente der existenziellen Ethik die moralische Haltung von Prophet Muhammad (s) in den Jahren seines Aufenthalts in Medina analysieren. Es muß darauf hingewiesen werden, dass in dieser Ethik die existenziellen Voraussetzungen der moralischen Werte und die Art und Weise der moralischen Beurteilung des Menschen aus der Sicht der Existenzanalyse in Betracht gezogen werden. ENGLISH: This paper tries to analyze prophet Muhammad's moral actions according to existential ethics. Adopting this approach, we rely on the unity of consciousness and virtue, and try to focus on the close relationship between the prophet's existential knowledge and his ethical actions. Therefore, many historical mistakes based on non-existential approaches could be corrected. Concepts such as his lebenswelt and erlebnis express a world tied with pre-scientific facts and lived experiences, and opposed to the view built on the centrality of subjectivity, in which only theoretical and scientific concerns are imperative. In other words, according to this approach, the prophet’s cultural life is the central concept, which gives us a way to analyze his moral actions, especially when historical evidence is not available. Another result of this approach is that without falling prey to historicism, analyzing his lifestyle is achievable, and it grounds a history which can be considered in later historical stages, in Imam Ali and his progeny's thought, as the mystical Shiite thought, which according to Tabatabaei is the “ source of mysticism”.

GERMAN: Zweifellos basieren die meisten Urteile des traditionellen imamischen fiqh auf den Überlieferungen der Imame, bekannt als aḫbār āḥād (Plural von ḫabar wāḥid). Der Koran enthält weniger als 500 juristische Verse, iğmāʿ wird von den meisten zeitgenössischen Juristen nicht länger als verbindlich aufgefasst, und ʿaql (Vernunft) wurde von uṣūl al-fiqh-Gelehrten auf die Tugend der Gerechtigkeit und das Laster der Unterdrückung reduziert. Somit bleiben die Überlieferungen der Imame die beste Quelle für islamisches Recht für das traditionelle fiqh. ENGLISH: In Medina, the Imams of Ahl ul-bayt disseminated their knowledge through gatherings with their followers, known as the Shi’ a. During these sessions, the companions of the Imams either recorded or memorized the sayings and teachings of their teachers. These recorded sayings were later known as aḫ bār – traditions or reports – and since many of them were isolated reports they were later recognized as aḫ bār āḥ ād (plural for ḫ abar al-wāhid). The legitimacy and authority of ḫ abar al-wāhid has been disputed since the formative period of Shii jurisprudence, some arguing for while others arguing against. Several contemporary Shiʻi scholars have also called for the rejection of ḫ abar al-wāhid, inviting jurists to form a Shiʻi Fiqh free of ḫ abar al-wāhid. But how realistic is this idea? How practical is forming a complete system of Fiqh without incorporating the thousands of aḫbār ā ḥ ād? Contemporary jurists have suggested that other legal tools can replace ḫ abar al-wāhid, such as the general laws of the Quran, numerous reports (tawātur), reason, and consensus. Will this not lead to the development of an entirely new system of Fiqh? This is what this paper will examine, which is part of an ongoing research on the role of ḫ abar al-wāhid in Shiʻi jurisprudence.