IRANIAN POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL
Year:2018 | Volume:1 | Issue:3 (3) |Papers Count:6

This paper has tried to examine the well-known systems in political economy by examining the relation between idea and material. These systems are liberalism or free market economy, socialism or planned economy and combined economy. And finally the methodology of Iran’ s political-economy system is analyzed. The question is what the most suitable methodology to analyze these systems is. We assume that in a free market economy, idea is prior to material but in the socialist economy, it is vice versa and everything is considered materialist. However, in both of these systems, because of separation between subject and object (dualism), the methodology of these political-economy systems is pluralistic and based on external critique. In contrast, in a combined economy which is based on the perspective of human resource development and the welfare state, there is a kind of transcendental and permanent methodology. The methodology of this paper is based on Michael Wallzer's methodology, which tries to create balance and interaction between the subject and the object in the economy-political systems based on existing facts.

Background and Aim: Political trust affects the relationship between the people and the state, which is one of the essential factors for managing the country's affairs better, developing and expanding, and meeting the people’ s needs. The present research intends to answer the question by a meta-analysis method that, in general, what variables affect the political trust and how these variables explained and enlightened the political trust. Method: The quantitative meta-analysis is a mechanism for implementing research. The purpose of this approach is to integrate, systematically review and harmonize studies in a certain field of research. The statistical population of this study was 18 researches that13 samples of research documents were selected to integrate and identify its impact. Findings: The Analytical Findings of the research indicate that political trust is considered as the main and dependent variable which is influenced by the governance (Effect size-0. 290), justice (Effect size-0. 321), social capital (Effect size – 0. 378), religiosity (Effect size-0. 435), social satisfaction (Effect size-0. 212), political capital (Effect size-0. 263), anomy (Effective Size-0. 288), discrimination (Effect size-0. 375), security (Effect size-0. 347) and social network (Effect size-0. 311) ). In sum, the above variables were able to explain and enlighten political trust by Effect size-0. 327, Z-8. 481 and sig-0. 004. Conclusion: The results show that political trust greatly reduces the social distance between government institutions and citizens and has a very strong relationship with the people, government, institutions and intermediary groups between the people and the government. According to the result of the research, the level of political trust is moderate. The level of political trust is high (38%), medium (32%) and low (30%)

One of the political polling system goals in Iran is to produce information related to the views of the people on various electoral political issues, with required accuracy and pace for users and stakeholders, as well as establishing, maintaining and increasing public confidence in the polling system. Although some advances have been achieved, the political polling system in Iran is still facing a lot of problems. The Pathology of the Political Polling System in the Islamic Republic of Iran is the main question of the research that the researcher has examined with regard to the status quo. Data-based research method was used to carry out this research. To answer the questions by referring to the research statistical population, 42 research interviews with 24 experts and elites were conducted. The results of the research show that the damage to the political polling system in Iran is considered by the internal and external factors of this field. Internal damaging factors directly affect survey work, but the external factors are influenced by the political environment of the community and are from social cultural factors. In sum, some of the problems in this area are: the majority of polling organizations are governmental and quasi governmental, the share of the private sector in the polls market is too small, there is no competition between polling organizations, the poll results are not published and released, managers and experts don’ t have sufficient knowledge, and there are no critique polling conditions.

In the present study, in network and normative aspects the effect of social capital on the political orientations(reformism, moderation and principlism) was examined. The aim of this study is to determine the compass of political orientations and tendencies of Khuzestan province citizens during the three presidential elections periods(1997, 2005 and 2014). Also, the questionnaire and simple and multiple regression tests, t-test, variance analysis and the introduction of the PLS structural equation were used in SPSS24 and SMART PLS3 software respectively. The required information was collected by a multi-category sampling method from 1920 people above 18 years old in the county of Ahwaz, Abadan, Dezful, Mahshahr and Andimeshk. To ensure the suitability of the data, the CR criterion and the KMO test were used. The findings indicated that the degree of political orientations in all age groups is equal and the political orientation and tendency except principlism among females is more than males. Citizens in terms of the SES index had the highest moderation tendency and orientation. Also the location of citizens did not affect their attitude towards the principlism tendency. Following that social capital in all aspects has affected principlism and reformism, but this reffect was not confirmed in moderation political orientation. Also, based on the compass of the political orientation, the most political tendency and orientation was towards reformism and the least to the moderation. Totally the social capital could explain and enlighten political orientations variable changes in these three political spectra.

This research was conducted with the aim of how the relative deprivation in the poems of contemporary Qashqai poets reflected. In this study, Robert Gore's theory is used only as a guide and evidence. By the content analysis of the poems of these poets, it was revealed that not only the Qashqai people suffer from deprivation, but also the Qashqai poets has addressed this issue in their poems. In addition, it was found that the poets' perceptions, approaches and how to deal with deprivation were not the same, including: Protesting and revolutionary fight with the source of deprivation, accepting and compromising with deprivation as a natural phenomenon, or relying on supernatural powers and divine relief. After discovering and categorizing theses issues, ways to reduce deprivation were also suggested.

In spite of his secular way, the National Front in coalition with imam Khomeini abandoned his last approach to fight within constitutional framework on the verge of Islamic revolution. But the revolution process and its management caused the National Front to collide with religious revolutionists and this movement got separated from revolutionary coalition and finally eliminated. This article tried to examine the following question with descriptive-analytical method and reference to library resources: "What factors caused the National Front to collide with the religious revolutionists in the post-revolutionary era, considering the Theoretical-intellectual framework of the National Front in coalition with the revolutionary forces? " In this regard, the initial hypothesis suggests that the process of Islamization in the establishment and consolidation of the Islamic Republic system was the most important factor in collision between the Front and the Islamist forces. Because ideologically linking religion with politics within the intellectual-theoretical framework of the National Front was impossible and the process of Islamism, contrasts with their approach in coalition period; religious forces lacking managerial and executive experiences and eventually after the victory, the clerics will give the power up to the nationalists.