Iranian Journal of Sociology
Year:2025 | Volume:25 | Issue:2|Papers Count:7

The widespread and sudden emergence of Generation Z in recent protests and movements in Iran, particularly in the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, has drawn the attention of policymakers and researchers to this generation. The characteristics and distinctions of Generation Z compared to other generations in Iran have become a key question for scholars, intellectuals, and even politicians.Using the meta-synthesis method, this study examines, analyzes, and integrates various findings from credible scientific articles on Generation Z published over the past decade (2011–2024) to present a clear and well-founded picture of the differences and similarities of this generation in terms of values and perspectives.The study’s findings, based on categorization and extraction of codes and concepts, identify distinct characteristics of Generation Z in four areas: family, religion, workplace, and politics. These findings form the central theme of this study: Decline of Compliance / Reduction of Submission, referring to the diminishing respect for authority across all four domains—family, religion, politics, and professional environments.In the family domain, the decline in respect for authority is reflected in critiques of patriarchy and a stronger sense of identity independence. In politics and the workplace, it manifests as distrust of institutions. In the religious sphere, disenchantment and rejection of tradition are the key concepts that best describe the characteristics and distinctions of Generation Z in contemporary Iran.Based on the analysis of existing research on Generation Z’s generational relations with preceding generations, two perspectives—continuity and disillusionment—can be considered. This suggests a relationship with parents that is both conciliatory and distinct, while tensions exist with the ideological and revolutionary generation that shaped the dominant discourse.

This article explores the social network Instagram as a part of neoliberal power technologies. Accordingly, five different readings of Instagram as a part of the neoliberal organization have been presented. The method of this article is documentary and the study of scientific texts related to the research topic. The findings of this article are based on the views of theorists such as Nick Sernichek, Janis Varoufakis, Byung chul Han, Zygmunt Baumann, Jean Baudrillard,  and etc. The story of five readings: "Instagram as a space for the accumulation of virtual capital", "Instagram as a virtual tool", "Instagram: the crisis of freedom and transparency", "Instagram: celebrity and self-branding", and "Instagram is a manifestation of the postmodern state and the fluidity of life". Also, the results of this article show that Instagram, as an ideological space, seeks to promote neoliberal values and has a structural position in the cultural and economic arena in neoliberal organizations.

Max Weber is a multidisciplinary thinker. The aim of this article is to historically examine and understand Max Weber's works in Iran. The main question of the research is how Max Weber has been narrated in different historical periods in Iran? Based on the research findings, the understanding of Max Weber in Iran is not the same in different periods. At the beginning of the establishment of sociology in Iran and the predominance of the Komtian-Durkheimian discourse, Max Weber did not have a significant position in the academic and non-academic environment. In the second period, in addition to the narrative and positivist discourse (Durkheimian), Marxist discourse in Iran, and gradually some of Weber's concepts and ideas were used to explain historical events In the third period, many developments took place in the internal and international fields. Marxist metaphors and concepts decreased and Weberian concepts increased.  

People without an Identity Document (ID) Card, however, are referred to as the "other" in this article. lack of an ID card has caused them to be denied their right to human life and to be shunned by millions of people—not because they have different opinions, are male or female, or speak a different language. In spite of this, not much research has been done on the situation of this group to date, and scholars have remained silent for a long time regarding the lives of these individuals. What is the reason for Iranian sociologists' lack of attention and silence about the problems of this life—that is, the lives of others and those without identification cards? We have examined the relationship between sociology and the "other" in this article in order to provide an answer to this query. And we have discovered that some prevailing sociological patterns are the source of this silence. Actually, we have examined some of the theories of contemporary theorists in order to respond to the question above. Furthermore, this study demonstrates how mainstream sociology has always found its topic in rigid, recurring laws and regulations. It might be claimed that the focus of this sociology has always been order because of this. The "other" was the first person banished and has abandoned from this land.

The aim of this research is to study the sociological problematic of family conversation, which was collected using survey method and questionnaire technique. The statistical population was citizens in District 3 and 15 of Tehran and the statistical sample was 384 people, selected by cluster sampling method. The findings showed that the level of conversation in the family is average (40.4). There is a significant relationship between personality, family, economic, social and cultural barriers and family conversation. Also, in structural equations, the level of relationship between each of the problematic indicators and family conversation are respectively: personality barriers (0.42), family barriers (0.54), social barriers (0.42), cultural barriers (0.22), and economic barriers (0.55). In total, the indicators of this research affect (0.83) of the factors of problematic and family conversation, and the remaining (0.17) is affected by other factors.

The most common theory in religious studies regarding official and popular religion considers the former as the view of the official religious institution, and the latter as the beliefs and practices prevalent among the masses. Given the lack of official religious organizations in Islamic societies, a different formulation has been proposed that considers official religion as the normative opinions of religious scholars. In the case of Kurdistan, we are faced with a different form of Islam called Sufi Islam, which poses different problems in applying the former mentioned theory. Accordingly, we have attempted to use a different analytical framework that defines the distinction between popular and official based on the form of religious experiences. To this end, we have first examined the historical processes that influenced the formation of Sufi Islam, and finally we undertook a theoretical analysis of a new formulation of the distinction between popular and official Islams

The book «Revisiting the Frankfurt School: Essays on Culture, Media, and Theory», edited by David Berry and released in 2012, explores the Frankfurt School’s influence on the critique of contemporary culture and media. Berry, a noted expert in critical theory, references the concepts of thinkers like Adorno and Horkheimer to examine how media plays a role in perpetuating power dynamics and social control. By merging traditional theories with current topics, the book looks at the function of media in shaping identities and values, connecting the critical viewpoints of the Frankfurt School to today's challenges.The current article is one of the pieces in this volume, written by Robert E. Babe, a media studies professor at Western University in Ontario. Babe, who has authored nine influential books, including «Cultural Studies and Political Economy», concentrates on analysing the connections between media, power, and societal structures in his research.