IRANIAN RESEARCH LETTER OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Year:2023 | Volume:12 | Issue:1|Papers Count:23

Health diplomacy is one of the aspects of modern diplomacy that has become popular in many countries of the world after the coronavirus pandemic. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of health diplomacy in maintaining and continuing China's economic growth as the coronavirus spreads in the country and the world. The main question is how did health diplomacy help China maintain its economic growth while other countries struggled with a recession? The main hypothesis of the research is that the functions of health diplomacy, such as increasing relations with other states, restoring international prestige, creating opportunities for economic benefits through export development, etc., helped China to maintain its economy dynamic. A qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach was applied for research and a library method was used for data collection. The findings show that China has achieved the following goals in the light of health diplomacy: it has gained new markets in developing countries; it has created international prestige for this country. It has portrayed a responsible and benevolent role from Beijing. As a result of these policies, the desire to buy health goods made in China increased in 2020, and China exports increased.

With the beginning of the new century, East Asia witnessed a redistribution of power and wealth by the structure of the international system; which changed the balance of power to the advantage of China and to the detriment of the region's traditional power, Japan. Accordingly, this study intends to survey the Japanese government's efforts to preserve its regional political and economic position, with the help of descriptive-analytical approach and qualitative method, and with emphasis on the new realism theory. The results of this study shows that Japan, as a declining regional power and with a rational standpoint, by calculating the costs and benefits of the available options, pursues a set of measures to further its national interests, achieving welfare and security goals. Thus, a review of the simultaneous economic, political, and security plans and actions proposed by Japan in response to China's expansionist plans can show the utilitarian foreign policy of the world's superpowers in the face of the threats of emerging powers.  

Perceptions and misperceptions frequently affect government relations, subsequently impeding regional relationships. The present state of affairs in the Middle East is a perfect instance of how influential actors' perceptions and misperceptions affect the area, which remains a debated topic. Since the leaders of Turkey and Saudi Arabia have distinct personalities and mentalities, they take different approaches in terms of perspectives, analyses, judgments, and foreign policies on a variety of topics in the Middle East, particularly in relation to Iranian foreign policy goals and priorities. Therefore, it is crucial to examine how these varying mentalities have impacted their approaches to different regional and international issues. The article examines the differing perspectives of Turkish and Saudi Arabian leaders regarding the nature and goals of the Axis of Resistance, a crucial element of the regional political and security structure. The authors present a three-part series of propositions to clarify the reasoning behind these leaders' views on the Axis of Resistance. The differences in policies and actions among these leaders show that their varying mentalities, influenced by the three aforementioned propositions, have affected strategies and actions related to important matters like regional security, interactions with Western nations, the Axis of Resistance, and resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

 The model of economic convergence in the context of interactive - Dissipated political economy in today's world is a model of order in world politics, and the pursuit of such a model helps to power - maker, gain credibility and international weight of countries. Interaction-oriented and diffuse political economy Since the 2000s, Qatar political construction has emerged as an inevitable necessity for the production of regional-international power. This approach by Qatar's system of governance means that the country must act as a viable and balanced actor in regional and supra-regional communication cluster-building and networking to a stable economic and political relationship to secure international interests and prestige. The question now is how Qatar's model of political economy has functioned as a component of power generation in the international system, and what are the characteristics of this model? Using descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and examining Qatar's economic information, this study seeks to explain Qatar's interactive geoeconomics from the perspective of political economy as the basis for power-building the country in the international system. The results show that the interactive dimensions of Qatar's political economy seek adaptation and self-expansion in the international system. 

Revolutionary developments in information and communication technology have provided a profound impact on the socio-economic formation of societies and the reformulation of the international political economy system. The changes that have taken place provide the context for the importance of the intangible aspects of power and have introduced new forms of power, the most important of which is relational power. Relational power is a form of power that is the product of the type of view and policymaking, and as a result of the direction and exploitation of this field, is constructed socially. In the digital age, the advent of social networks has increased the importance of relational power, as it is an important factor in determining the legitimacy of governments. The purpose of this article is to investigate the situation of cyber power in the Islamic Republic of Iran at a time when cyberspace has become the main element of power and wealth and in the light of the dynamics of information and communication technology. The research has used quantitative-qualitative method to achieve its goals. The primary hypothesis states: "The acting style of the I. R. of Iran and its negative approach to the requirements of cyberspace, have created the ground for negative social reactions from domestic and foreign players and, as a result, the reduction of the country's relational power.

The Genealogy and construction of Iran's foreign policy after the revolution towards the United States has been based on the traumatic memories of Iranians from this country, especially the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The connection of these memories with the lack of pursuit of transitional justice and appropriate politics of memory by the United States and creation of new negative memories, has led to the continuation of post-traumatic situation in Iran-US relations. On the other hand, the will of the revolutionary and Islamic government of Iran has been focused on the fight against global arrogance, led by the United States. In this regard, memory conflict became one of the important dimensions of Iran's approach to the United States. Also, after the revolution, Iranians sought to change its role from being a mere victim and by attacking the most painful memory site, the US Embassy, on November 4, 1979. Politics of memory is the mobilization of collective memories in order to legitimize the existing order and advance political-ideological projects in the internal and external environment through mnemonic socialization, the question of this research is what is the memorial approach of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United States about the Nov 4, 1979? The answer is that Iran's memorial approach in this regard is the politics of remembrance of the Nov 4, 1979 memory through memorial practices with the narration of hatred and victory at the same time and its continuous reproduction in order to legitimize and motivate foreign policy.

The will of development in Turkey has started since the formation of the Republic and today this process is ongoing. But the dynamics of development in Turkey only had a successful trend from 80’s until 2015. The aim of this article is to show the process and the path of economic and political development in Turkey. The present study, by adopting the theoretical framework of Ajmaoglu-Robinson institutionalist political economy, pursues the question of how Turkish political and economic institutions have influenced the development process of this country? The data of this article was collected by documentary method and the analysis method of the article is process tracing. The research findings indicate that the movement of Turkey's political-economic institutions towards greater inclusiveness has strengthened the development process in Turkey,In such a way that by stabilizing the property rights, increasing the role of the private sector, the independence of the judicial system, reducing the power of the military, more political openness and the expansion of civil society, Turkey has moved towards institutional inclusion, which results in expansion of the motivations for the activity and economic participation of citizens, and eventually economic prosperity.

European Integration Process have always been suspected in various countries of the Green Continent. Although Euroscepticism, which dates back to a period of suspicion, reluctance, and skepticism about these Processes, peaked and emerged with the election, the process of negative convergence with the EU and other arrangements in other societies and states also existed. Perhaps the most striking of these centrifugal tendencies can be traced to northern Europe and the Nordic region. The question that arises here is how the Eurosceptic flow in the Nordic basin is formulated. In response to the existence of Eurosceptic tendencies at the three levels of social system, political system and party system, in the Nordics in general and in Norway, Iceland, Sweden, Denmark and Finland, the formation of opposing currents towards the convergence process. Europe is being considered. The present study is applied in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of method and library type in terms of data collection.

Although Trump portrayed the Islamic Republic of Iran as a threat to US security and interests and succeeded in securitization of the Islamic Republic of Iran within the United States, he failed to introduce the Islamic Republic of Iran as a threat to international security at the global community level. For example, at a meeting of the UN Security Council on August 14, 2020, only two of the 15 members of the UN Security Council adopted a resolution proposed by the United States that would lift the arms Sanction imposed on Iran, they voted in favor. Whereas if Trump had succeeded in portraying the Islamic Republic of Iran as a threat to international security, all or a majority of members of the UN Security Council would have voted in favor of the resolution. Although various theoretical frameworks can be used to explain this issue, this research uses the concept of "Macrosecuritisation" proposed by the Copenhagen School that is part of the theory of "securitization" and trying to investigate the causes of this issue. Therefore, this study seeks to answer the main question: "What are the reasons for the Failure of Trump's Securitizing Speech-act, and introduction of the Islamic Republic of Iran as a threat to international security? " present the hypothesis and mentions five reasons. the hypothesis of this Research is: Trump's failure to Macrosecuritisation of the Islamic Republic of Iran stems from five factors: 1) the inability to present the Islamic Republic as a macro-threat to the macro security Referent Object, that Here, the world community (or at least the Western bloc), and to be more precise, disregards to the external aspect of the facilitating conditions of Securitization,2) the lack of a unity of negatives as one of the success factors of a Macrosecuritisation,3) Lack of persuasion of the audience and, more precisely, inability to turn ordinary audiences into supportive audiences, Due to the low social capital of the Securitizing Actor (Trump) in the international community,4) Lack of adding a universal dimension to Trump's Securitizing Speech-act of the Islamic Republic of Iran,5) Lack of selection of appropriate watch words and terms that can be invoked to move specific issues into the realm of securitization without elaborate arguments about the securitization of the specific case. This research can be considered as a qualitative-quantitative research in which qualitative tools such as Content Analysis Method of eight Trump's speeches / comments / statements and quantitative tools such as the results of polls of reputable Western Institute are used.

The purpose of this study is to provide an analytical answer to this question from the perspective of political economy and political sociology: How has the related severe oil and banking sanctions in the context of political and nuclear tensions between Iran and the United States and its Western allies affected Iran's national security in the 2010s? The research hypothesis is that due to the strong dependence of the Iranian government budget on oil revenues, oil sanctions and the sharp decline in these revenues, Iran's national security in economic and political dimensions has become vulnerable. Findings show that oil sanctions over the past decade, especially during Trump's presidency, )have led to distrust and a sharp decline in foreign and domestic investment, declining production in the industrial and agricultural sectors, a lack of technical know-how in oil, rising unemployment, high inflation and liquidity. High levels of government borrowing from the central bank and printing of banknotes, widespread corruption in the forms of smuggling, hoarding, embezzlement, rent-seeking, increased Gini coefficient or inequality, and severe class divisions, investment vulnerabilities of small and medium-sized investors in the Iranian economy. The study with explanatory-analytical method and library and internet method and in the framework of Copenhagen School's community approach has reached the conclusion that: Due to the strong dependence of the Iranian government budget on oil revenues, the boycott of oil and its non-purchase has had a negative impact on national security and has reduced volatility in many economic indicators and protests and strikes in the form of streets.

The Deobandi school , one of the major cerebral - religious schools in southeast Asia , has a significant impact on the performance and beliefs of religious fundamentalists , especially in Afghanistan . The Taliban who were graduates of this school were founded by the influence of many of their principals and rules . the Afghan occupation of Afghanistan by the soviet union and large migration of Afghans to Pakistan , considering both the tribal and the language of some of the refugees ( Pashtuns ) with scholars of the school , led them to become religious seminaries and convert to religious seminary students who were taught by the Deobandi madrassa . With the support of the Pakistani government and the relocation of these people between the two countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan , soon the doctrine of the school between the Taliban has expanded . In this research , we seek to answer this question that where is the political and religious thought of the Taliban ? The main hypothesis of the study is that the Taliban group , following the Deobandi school 's teachings , established many of their principles and rules during the period 1996 - 2001 . To evaluate the research hypothesis , the authors used Diffusion of innovations theory , which is one of the valid theories to evaluate and measure how each type of intellectual or physical innovation is developed . This research is descriptive - analytical and library method is used for collecting .

The question of how cognitive neuroscience can be helpful in studying International Relations has been discussed for almost a decade. How can positivist and individualistic methodologies be used with the knowledge that has a holistic viewpoint of the world? In order to apply this knowledge to studying world politics, it seems that we must first understand the epistemological dimensions of social neuroscience and the paradigms that govern it, as well as how these relate to epistemologies in international relations. In this article, we demonstrate how embodiment, as one of the new paradigms of cognitive sciences that reject Cartesian dualism and place bodily experiences at the center of knowledge, introduces new ways to study international relations that avoid reductionism and individualism. Using this framework, it is also possible to analyze how body-culture contributes to the development of international structures as both constitutive and causal mechanisms. The new generation of feminist theories, as well as the Practice and Postcolonial theories of International Relations, have taken this epistemology into account, which has provided a new angle on understanding international phenomena.

The need to protect users' personal data in cyberspace is inevitable nowadays, thus governments and regional and international mechanisms such as the European Union have also taken legislative actions in this regard. On the other hand, the interpretation of the framework of laws adopted within the European Union is that the implementation of these laws is also limited to the territory of the constituent states of this regional body, while the provisions of the latest European Data Protection Document (GDPR: 2016) shows that it has extraterritorial character and can be applied outside the borders of the union. Therefore, this study uses a descriptive analytical method to examine the text of this document and its previous version (DPD: 1995), and the most important cases before the European Union Court of Justice regarding the transfer of European users’ personal data to the United States of America to clarify the possibility of cross-border application of this document in non-EU countries. Finally, the findings of the present study indicate that due to the significant political and economic power of the Union, the large number of European users in the Internet space, interpretations and opinions provided by the European Court, history of data transfer mechanisms between Europe and the United States, as well as the administrative mandates provided in this document, it can be said that in practice this regulation has extraterritorial character and is applied outside the union.

Benyamin Netanyahu with more than fifteen years of experience as prime minister has been a major role in shaping the Israeli foreign policy. Knowledge about his central beliefs and cognitive approaches can play an important role in understanding Israeli foreign policy. The question is, what cognitive approach does Netanyahu have in foreign policy? Have these cognitive approaches been constant or changed over time? The aim is to explore Netanyahu's central beliefs as one of the main factors influencing Israeli foreign policy. In this regard, Netanyahu's verbal materials in foreign policy were examined between 2009 and 2019, using the conceptual framework of operational code analysis and the “verbs in context system” method in comparing to a norming group average of world leaders. The results of the quantitative analysis of Netanyahu’s speeches by Profiler Plus software show that there is a significant difference between Netanyahu's philosophical and instrumental beliefs in the second & third terms (2009-2015) on the one hand, and his beliefs in the fourth term (2015-2019), on the other hand. In the first round, Netanyahu saw the nature of the political universe in harmony with Israel's interests. Moreover, he realized political values in adopting a cooperative strategy, and the usefulness of utilizing cooperative tools with regards to other actors. In the second round, he considered the nature of the political universe in conflict with Israel's interests, realizing values in pursuing a limited cooperative strategy, and the usefulness of employing cooperative and conflictual tools versus other political actors.

The settled communities in the Middle East have historically been at loggerheads over water resources. Therefore, controlling and diversifying the ways of exploiting these resources have always been a key component of policy-making of the states in this region. For this reason, after the Second World War, modern dam-building, as the most important new way of exploiting water, has attracted the attention of these states, including Iran and Iraq, and has become one of their most important plans of development. Therefore, the growing attention to this policy has led to disputes between the two countries. In this article, we intend to answer the key question: what are the threats of dam building policies in Iran and Iraq? The second question of interest is: what diplomatic disputes and/or cooperations have these threats caused or will these threats cause in the field of dam diplomacy between them? To answer these questions, in the first section of the paper, we have proposed a special theoretical framework for dam diplomacy. In the second part of the article, we have discussed dam-building policies and the data related to the dams in Iran and its neighboring countries. In the third part of the article, as a concrete example, we have shown what threats, conflicts, and diplomatic cooperation between Iran and Iraq have been or will be created by these policies and dams. It should be pointed out that our approach here has been based on the green theory of international relations, and we have employed exploratory, documentary, and conceptual-rational modeling methods as each subject called for.

The political school of Herat, which was formed by the Islamic-mystical thoughts of Maulana Abdul Rahman Jami and a network of Timurid era scientists, is based on justice, peace, Persian language, tolerance and tolerance, the teachings of ancient Iran and Turkish teachings. - Mongolian emphasizes. Amir Ali Shirnavai, minister of the Timurian court, and Maulana Hossein Waez Kashifi, two of Jami's students, have played a valuable role in the development of Herat's political school. Through these two, Jami's teachings have entered the political societies of that period and have practically flowed through the court in the social and cultural context. Peace is one of the most key concepts that has overlapped with other concepts such as expediency, reconciliation, tolerance and tolerance and has crystallized in the theory and practice of the political school of Herat, so that the Timurid era is one of the most peaceful periods in the history of the region. goes This article, with the conceptual framework of Quentin Skinner's constructivist school and hermeneutic methodology, aims to answer the question of the place of peace between communities in the political thought of the Herat school. It seems that the presence of Maulana Jami, the leader of the Naqshbandi sect, who is known for his peace and tolerance; As a great cultural consultant of the court, he is one of the main reasons for the peaceful atmosphere of the Timurid period. By creating a network of mystic thinkers inside and outside the Timurid rule, Jami had proposed peace as the main state of that period.

Iraq is one of the countries that potentially has a significant range of components determining security and achieving balanced development, such as a young population and rich hydrocarbon resources but the process of socio-economic development and sustainable security of Iraq, in the early decades of the 21st century, has led to a dangerous and problematic situation.. However, in the last two decades, since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, despite the billions of dollars in annual oil revenues and international aid, the country has been failed to provide the primary public services and confronted with the widespread poverty and unemployment, looting of public property and constantly violence by armed forces in it's political economy. The question is that, how can the reproduction of insecurity and the complexity of the socio-economic development process in post-Saddam Iraq be understood? The research hypotheses are designed in the framework of institutionalism theory of Douglass North in such a way that the development of a special type of political settlement in Post-Saddam Iraq within the framework of limited access order has provided the ground for the reproduction of violence and the problematic process of socio-economic development of this country. The research findings indicate that the transition from a limited and repressive order to a limited, fragile and pluralistic order has reduced the development policy process in post sadam Iraq to sectorial, non-inclusive and beneficial measures. The result of this situation has been a conflict between the government and rent-seeking forces in the form of conflict and the reproduction of insecurity and instability.

The world empire of Achaemenid Iran is recognized as a hegemonic power in the international system of ancient times. This government had hegemonic coordinates in the classical and modern sense, which required a hegemonic power above all else. The Mazdei hegemony was formed based on the political ideas of Iranshahri and the Iranian world order, which was reflected in the Achaemenid foreign policy strategy. The main question is; How was Iranshahri political thought of the Achaemenid era formed based on the concept of hegemony and hegemonic system in the creation of a new Iranshahri world order in the international arena? The results show that Achaemenid Iran as a hegemonic power at the level of the triple system of the ancient world controlled three important regional systems of the ancient world, i.e. the system of the Indian subcontinent and South Asia, the system of the Middle East and the Near East, and most of the Mediterranean system. In addition to legitimate military and economic measures to maintain its hegemony over the international systems, this government used techniques to control power centers, including the balance of power technique to control centrifugal regional powers. Also, the foundation and focal point of Iran's hegemony is based on the justice and specific ideology of the imperial government. In this era, based on the earthly and cosmic order of the imperial system, the cultural, military, economic and political hegemony of Iranshahri was formed and with a dynamic and advanced economy based on economic and commercial power, it created a powerful and unified monetary system in the ancient world. The research method in this article is based on the comparative method and the data collection method is based on library and reliable internet sources.

The fundamental developments in the geopolitics of East Asia, along with the change in regional and international power equations, have forced Japan to reconsider its commitment to pacifism enshrined in the constitution. In this framework, the evolution of Japan's security and defense strategy after Fumio Kishida (known as the Kishida Doctrine) became priminister has become more noticeable than Shinzo Abe priministership. The current research tries to answer the question of what components have influenced the evolution of Japan's security and defense strategy during the Kishda era and the presentation of his doctrine. The main argument of the article is that the transformation in Japan's defense-security strategy is a response to the international and regional structural changes caused by the emergence of China as a system-challenging actor and the uncertainty of the commitments of the United States in its all-round support in the event of the occurrence of war and acute geopolitical tensions. Based on the theory of neo-realism, the findings of the research show the international and regional structural dynamics resulting from the global and regional intersection between China and the United States, the increasing pressure of the United States on Japan in order to increase the broader security and defense role, the increase in the arms race in East Asia, the international implications of Russia's attack on Ukraine, and the increase in Russian military movements in northern Japan, along with the stable factors of the increase in North Korea's nuclear and missile threats, have influenced the evolution of Japan's defense and security strategy. Therefore, Kishida's doctrine, emphasizing the necessity of playing a more dynamic role in global and regional politics and increasing the capabilities of defense-military capabilities, indicates Japan's turn from the previous defense strategy to the behavior of balancing active forces.

Israel's presence at the heart of security conflicts and challenges in the Middle East over the past several decades has established a deep relationship between Israel's national security and regional developments. This study aims to analyze the factors affecting Israel's security strategy against the Syrian crisis during 2011-2021. Therefore, the main question of the study is: how have the characteristics of the Syrian crisis during 2011-2021 affected Israel's security strategy against this crisis? Findings of the study show that the Syrian crisis for Israel, was innovative and surprise , and the level of threat severe due to the spread of the crisis to the country through the conflicts in the Syrian Golan, the migration of Palestinian refugees living in Syria and Syrian Druze to Israel, and the strategic arms of Syria falling into the hands of the group Anti-Israeli in the event of the fall of the Assad government were emerging, surprising, and the level of threat was severe, but the response time was sufficient. Israel's security strategy at this stage was the "policy of limited intervention" which focused on responding to the unwanted firing of bullets from Syria into Israel, the bombing of convoys transporting weapons from Syria to Lebanon, and the secret financial, logistical, and medical aid to the anti-Assad rebels in southern Syria. But with the military presence of Iran and its allies to support the Assad government and their role in changing the balance in favor of the Syrian government and their deployment in southern Syria at the end of 2016, the Syrian crisis for Israel has become a deliberative, predictable, more severe threat and response time. enough, and Israel's strategy changed from a limited intervention to a fully aggressive strategy of "Campaign between Wars" (Mabam) against Iran and its allies in 2017 to 2021, which has focused on creating a buffer zone in the south of Syria, extensive and heavy bombing of the forces of Iran and its allies throughout the territory of Syria. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library and internet sources.

World politics has entered a new phase of its life after the collapse of the bipolar system. Due to the complexity and increasing uncertainties of the international environment, the failure of unilateralism and the relative decline of hegemony, diversity in formal and informal actors, theoretical, conceptual and semantic differences in international relations and the emergence of emerging powers have added to the chaos of this environment. Contemplation of what the future of international order will look like after the transition period and what place countries and emerging powers will have in it is one of the most important theoretical issues and debates among scholars and politicians. All countries want to achieve a more desirable position and a greater share to play a role in the future of the international system. The present study seeks to answer the question that based on the perspectives and narratives about the future of world order and based on the convergence and divergence between the emerging and traditional powers of the international system, which disciplines will be more desirable in the future of the international system, and what are the preferred scenarios for the future of the international order?The research has a futures research approach using the analysis of the structure and strategy of the actors and the data analysis has been done through the Maker software. The statistical population of the study includes 25 university experts who have been selected by purposive non-random sampling.The research findings indicate that although the future of international order is ambiguous due to the complexity and fluidity of the environment and numerous uncertainties, based on the activism of emerging powers in interacting and competing with traditional powers, the tendency of the actors indicates the emergence of a multipolar, multicenter system and world regions more than other perspectives.

Through policies and strategies in various dimensions (political, military, economic, cultural and social), Israel seeks to attract new allies in different parts of the world, including in Africa. In this regard, the African Union has recently accepted Israel as an observer member of the union. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to analyze the dimensions and objectives of Israel's presence and influence in Africa. The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to answer the question, what are the dimensions and goals of Israel's presence in Africa? The findings of this study show that due to the prevailing policy of Alliance of the periphery doctrine and its shaping factors in Israel, and enjoying the geopolitical, geo-economic and geostrategic advantages of African countries and having great economic, security and military potentials, as well as taking into account the pragmatic political and economic considerations of African countries, Israel seeks to expand its relations with these countries and increase its presence on the African continent, with goals such as enhancing its international legitimacy and political prestige, undermining the anti-Israel unity of the Arab-Islamic countries, downplaying the Palestinian question, responding to a shift in US regional policy, and increasing its security and as well as achieving its strategic confrontation with Iran and its allies (promotion of water security and population security) and economic exploitation.

China is one of the great powers in the present age, especially economically, and is an active player in this field. China's foreign policy approach to the world is different. The purpose of this study is to examine Iran's position in China's foreign policy. The research question is based on what is Iran's position in China's foreign policy and to answer the question, To answer the question, we test the hypothesis that China is in its foreign policy apparatus in order to counter US unilateralism in the Middle East and to secure the economic benefits of its future projects at the international system level it has a special place in Iran. The method of data collection is based on library and electronic, the method of research is qualitative and process tracking and inspired by the theory of realism. Findings show that China, based on the three strategies of developing economic cooperation, breakout and diversion, considers Iran's in its foreign policy important and has a special view of Iran in the Persian Gulf region. In fact, Iran paves the way for China to be able to supply its own energy source, challenge US-led regional order, seize the Middle East, divert US control from China, and create a large market for Find sales of your products.