INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY STUDIES
Year:2020 | Volume:3 | Issue:1|Papers Count:12

This paper studies the impact of ICT on Business Process Automation in e-banking. With using the secondary analysis as method research and the general law of capitalism accumulation as theory, the research has focused on two questions: What has been the difference between constant capital and variable capital in the Iran’ s economy over the past 4 decades and in the ICT sector over the 1 decade? What has been the Business Process Automation in banking since ICT entered this sector? The results show that in the last four decades, the ratio of constant capital to variable capital has always been increasing in the Iranian economy. The increase was even greater in the ICT sector. This means that over time, more machineries and technologies are being adopted by fewer workers. Also results about the process of Ebanking in Iran proves the general law of capitalism accumulation, so that over the last decade, the trend of using E-banking has been steadily increasing, which means more than just automation in financial services Iran.

Globalization is a process that is now being defined and pursued in order to impose Western values on other nations; However, the globalization of Islamic culture is one of the most important goals of Islam, which also plays a key role in achieving a new world order. It seems that one of the strategies for globalization of Islamic culture is "economic progress" and how the relationship between these two variables is the main issue of this article. If this strategy is proved and explained, management and economic jihad will have a new level far beyond providing for the livelihood of Muslims and their worldly welfare, and the wisdom of concentrating the guidelines and slogans of the Supreme Leader in this area will become clearer. The method of this research is analytical and inferential in the theoretical framework of political economy and the findings showed that "economic progress" based on Islamic thought has very different components from the economic development desired by the West. This variable in various ways including; Serious foundation of economic progress on the foundations of Islamic culture, creating a suitable competitor and sometimes alternative for secular economic systems, proving the efficiency of the Islamic system by meeting the basic needs of the people, promoting Islamic culture in the shadow of vitality and attracting social participation, increasing international interaction, propaganda and The media, increasing the faith and religious perspiration of Muslims, can facilitate the globalization of Islamic culture and accelerate its realization.

The economic statecraft as the international economic tools of fallowing the strategic goals of countries is a new notion in economic studies of foreign policy. The materialist approaches ever consulted this field. These researches by linking the economic tools with politics, hard power, survival, and security have expanded the theoretical sphere of economic statecraft. By their emphasizing on the role of material elements and political goals in utilizing of economic instruments, economic statecraft has been declined to the power of politics and the analytical tool of the great powers' negative competitions and their dictating relations with developing countries. The realistic and traditional economic statecraft is in lack of applying capacity to developing countries and analysis of the role of meta-material elements in foreign policy. The article aims at to link the economic statecraft to "policy of development" and the social approach of foreign policy. What are the effective elements at the success of developing countries in utilizing the international economic tools? Invoking to the international economic tools is rooted the national necessity of development, identity, and socialization. By changing the egoistic identity to the collective identity during the process of international socialization, legitimacy and knowledge context of optimization the transnational sources will be prepared and reached. Development is the final target of international socialization and economic statecraft. In narrative of sociality and development will be dismiss the realistic declining and be applied to developing countries. The focal points of Iran's contemporary statecraft events have been the struggle on economic tools and international political norms; means the patterns of modernization and constructing of economic development and the patterns of constitution and republican of political development. The non-collective political identity and international non-socialization are the obstacles of succession of Iran's economic statecraft.

Most of the researches on Iran and Saudi Arabia issues have developed in a completely different atmosphere based on aggressive realism. Few also of Theme, while confessing to the divergence of the Islamic world had been willing to expand the liberal process of the European Union. critical thinking, which is based on the first class of works; while comprehensive data are present from existing conditions; do not change and soften the situation and are often misunderstood and unanimously affected by the pattern of balance of powers. In the case of the second spectrum of works, in the realist climate of south-west Asia, an appropriate developmental path is not provided for freedom and unity of liberal type. The aim of the present paper is to present a compromise between these two approaches by taking advantage of the regimes of regimes in order to soften the situation into the realistic environment. The Result of this paper is to find out the two countries by changing the rules of the game in order to achieve its (convergence). this will preserve and increase regionalism of the Persian Gulf, and then the regional cooperation between the two countries is focal point for the development and expansion of the convergence process of the Islamic world. The present article, with a critical look at the existing works, seeks to achieve a favorable situation in the relations between the two countries.

This article is a critical review on the topic of resource curse paradigm, which is the idea that the abundance of minerals and fuels can have negative effects on the development of less developed countries. In particular, resource cursing theory suggests that the abundance of minerals and fuels leads to the formation of government intervention that hinder growth, deepen rent-seeking, and spread corruption, all of which in terms of development policy can cause negative and consequential effects on the development and growth of a country. However according to historical evidences, recent researches, and related studies, there are other factors involved throughout the underdevelopment of countries which possess natural resources that can cause more lasting effects on the development of countries at the decision-making and policy-making levels. Certain factors such as government focus, pervasive systemic corruption, government policy-making capacity, and overall threshold effects (government financial capacity, ownership structure, and government capability in developing dual growth strategies) have the potential to negatively influence a country's development process and have it deviatedto wards its abyss and eventually prevent it from growing. Next to dealing with the Dutch disease, rentseeking state, and rent-seeking version of the curse of resources, the present article concludes that these concepts are in short supply in terms of theory and evidence. This work also identifies the factors that can influence the determination of welfare threshold in developing countries, which suggests that as the threshold is lowered, the risk of cursing resources becomes higher.

Revival of Iran sanctions after nuclear agreement with great powers (JCPA) have made essential Iran s economic relations with neighbor s and other countries. The main goal of the article is evaluation of Iran-Iraq relations with focus on oil factor, because of Iran s oil sanctions revival and importance of the energy in economic policy of both Iran and Iraq. Despite of Saddam regime collapse and promotion of Shias groups in Iraq power structure and hence Iran s increased penetration in the country, oil factor has not necessarily resulted in cooperation and in some circumstances, it can play disintegrative role specially in sanctions revival era. With descriptive-explanative method, the article seeks to answer the question that how can we evaluate oil position in Iran-Iraq relations during the resumption of post-JCPOA sanctions? As a hypothesis, the article argues in spite of oil important role in bilateral relations of the two countries, this factor have had impressed securities preferences and mostly play secondary role. Findings of the article shows in spite of oil role in creating cooperative context such as common oil fields, Iran technological-engineering educational trains to Iraqis and Iran aids to Iraq to facilitate oil export (with use of pipeline and Hormoz Strait islands) and some competitive factors such as exploitation of common oil fields, global attention to Iraq oil in post-Saddam era and decreased power of Iran oil diplomacy eventually this factor cannot replace two sides parallel securities interests.

At recent centuries, due to the dominance of the geopolitical field, geoeconomic issues have also been as one of its (geopolitics) sub-sectors, especially by Iranian geopoliticians. While geoeconomics is one of the distinct areas of geopolitics, it follows two different paths in terms of theoretical and methodology, especially when it is linked to regional order (convergent and divergent situations). This can be seen by comparing the study of the three regions, Middle East, SoutheastAsia and the Nordic. The question of this research is how does geoeconomy shape regional order in the three regions: Nordic, Southeast Asian, and MENA? The hypothesis that can be mentioned, is that the geoeconomic domain of the Nordic region (Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland and Iceland) is the geoeconomic unit of the region, The Southeast Asian region is geoeconomic zone towards the evolution of convergence, and MENA geoeconomic is experiencing a divergent order. This paper, will examine the decisive impact of the economy on shaping security and paradigm shifting from geopolitical to geoeconomic regional order in the Nordic regions, Southeast Asia and the MENA.

Due to the phenomenon of globalization, investors today pay more attention than ever to investing in its global concept. On the other hand, scholars in the field of international relations, especially in the liberal tradition, emphasize the impact of international economic cooperation, such as trade and investment, on the spread of peace and the prevention of war. Accordingly, the present article, while referring to objective examples of international relations, has tried to provide a different answer to the important question of "economic cooperation in the form of international investment while maximizing" by using "game theory". "Investor interests should also prevent war and the development of peace. " By presenting a static game between players, the article models the behavior between investors and countries according to the possible strategies for each player. In this regard, first, a situation is considered in which the two countries are indifferent to each other. Then in the second case, two countries are considered to be rivals (enemies) and in the third case, three countries are assumed, one of which is a rival and the other is indifferent. Given the equilibrium obtained in all three cases, the overall result indicates that the investment achieves the best result (Nash equilibrium) by forming portfolios in different markets and the country at home by creating interaction and peace. The results of the research in the language of logic (mathematics) confirm the effect of economic cooperation on the development of peace, where through the development of international investment, governments achieve peace and on the other hand, investors achieve the best results.

The Central Asian region is one of the areas that, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has been competing and influenced by regional powers, especially Turkey. Over the past two decades, Turkey has begun a massive effort to strengthen its Central Asian region through its cultural, social and economic ties. Accordingly, this article, considering the role of economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital in consolidating power, focuses on the use of symbols by Turkish political elites in expanding foreign relations with Central Asia. The question for the authors of this article is how have Turkey's political elites managed to consolidate their symbolic power over the Central Asian region? To answer this question, we used Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist's theory of symbolic language and power, and suggested the theoretical basis of the paper on this basis. The hypothesis of the article is that the political elites of Turkey used their cultural, economic, social and symbolic capital to increase their influence in Central Asia. Therefore, the recognition of symbolic power and its application in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 in Central Asia is the main objective of this paper. The research findings show that Turkey is seeking to expand its influence in the Central Asian region with its economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital. In this paper, a qualitative research method has been used and the method of data collection has been done by documentary method.

Following the Industrial Revolution in England, and the growth of modern industrialized countries, China became a backward country on the margins of modern civilization. China is now in the midst of transitioning to the industrialized nations. this article analyzes the realities of this great transition from the perspective of Gerschenkron backwardness advantage theory, the essence of the advantage of backwardness is that developing countries have a vast space and strong driving force to learn the technology, systems and successful experience from the developed countries when they carry out their own industrialization and modernization. instead, they have a great advantage in backwardness that encourages them to learn from the developed areas and have the potential to catch up with them. since 1978, China has been focusing on technology transfer in order to make this potential advantage to real economic advantage and get great-leap-forward industrialization, and catching up with the United States as the most advanced industrial economy. so still relatively backward comparing with the United States, despite the rapid development in recent years but these do not show that it will not achieve great progress. The findings show that China has narrowed the technology gap with leading countries, and it is close to the frontier of innovation, so unlike in the past It cannot grow rapidly by adopting and embracing cheap technology from the United States, rather, it must bear the heavy costs of R&D in innovation, So China's economic growth will not be as rapid as it has been in the past four decades.

The globalization of the economy has had several effects on the internal affairs of societies and externalities, such as its governance. In the meantime, the role of the government as the only institution with high authority to respond to and adapt to external developments, has a special place. This adaptation sometimes has internal consequences on all institutions, arrangements and social classes in the economic, social and political spheres. The purpose of this article is to analyze the reactions of the Japanese government and feminist supporters to changes in political economy as well as patterns of family formation since the 1990s, given the common discourse between political economy and the family institution in Japan. The question of this article, therefore, is what is the relationship between the reconstruction of the political economy and the evolution of families and the gender roles of women in contemporary Japan since the 1990s? The hypothesis of the paper is that the reconstruction of political economy influenced by the developments of globalization has forced Japanese women to make a hasty leap from the Fordist model of family life to an idea of individual self-reliance. The growth of women's egalitarian demands, the decline in marriage and birth rates, the weakening of the traditional family institution and, consequently, the need for government intervention in social and economic policies have been inevitable. The research method of this paper is descriptiveanalytical and based on the collection of library and Internet documents.

In this study, using economic freedom indices including: rule of law, limited government, regulatory efficiency and market freedom, political freedom, including: civil liberties, political rights and freedom of the press, variables of quality of governance and personal freedom and its impact on human development index in 147 countries for the period 2008-2015 using panel data analysis, the Amartya Sen's "development as freedom" theory emphasizing personal freedom has been tested. The study results show that all kinds of freedoms to achieve development are important and all of them should be paid enough attention to. However, the effectiveness of regulation and personal freedom index represents the greatest impact on the human development index. Survey indicators suggest that increased rule of law among society and government, improve in regulations, improve in market liberty, and decreased government interference in economy will lead to improvements in human development. By examining political freedom index also shows that both indices of civil liberties and political rights and Press Freedom had positive and negative effects on the human development index, respectively. The results also indicated that the indices of quality of governance and personal freedom also has a positive effect on the human development index.