JOURNAL OF APPLIED SOCIOLOGY
Year:2025 | Volume:36 | Issue:1|Papers Count:6

Introduction In today's world, urban expansion and evolving lifestyles have accelerated the pace of life, making efficiency increasingly important. With population growth and these changes, the use of motorcycles has surged, particularly in the northern provinces of the country, including Golestan Province. This rise can be attributed to the compact size of motorcycles and their affordability, lower fuel consumption, and ease of navigation through traffic. However, this growth in motorcycle usage has not always been matched by adequate social and cultural infrastructure, leading to issues reflected in traffic behavior. The popularity of motorcycles, especially among young people, underscores the critical importance of safety when riding. This study aimed to explore the social and cultural factors contributing to the reluctance to wear helmets. Understanding these aspects is essential for developing effective policies and interventions to enhance safety and compliance.       Materials & Methods This research employed a qualitative approach utilizing thematic analysis. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 15 motorcyclists in Gorgan City. Data analysis was conducted using the Depoy and Gitlin method. The validity and reliability of the study were ensured through auditing techniques and analytical comparisons. Ethical considerations were meticulously addressed throughout the research process.   Discussion of Results & Conclusion The findings revealed 6 key themes: mental norms, creation of restrictions, motorcycling habitus, lack of institutional trust, self-exceptionalism, and a sense of agency. These socio-cultural factors significantly influenced the decision not to wear helmets. The primary reason for not wearing helmets was the mental norms prevalent among motorcyclists, who often chose to ride without helmets to avoid being labeled, humiliated, or ridiculed. Additionally, the perceived limitations associated with helmet use—related to design, aesthetics, comfort, and safety—further contributed to this behavior. Another factor was the motorcycling habitus, which, due to insufficient training, fostered a negative attitude towards helmet use. A lack of trust in legislative institutions, law enforcement, and enforcement mechanisms was also a significant barrier to helmet compliance. In a stable social system, laws are expected to be upheld and individuals generally adhere to them. However, the inconsistent application of laws and existing legal loopholes regarding motorcyclist violations had led to diminished respect for the law, allowing personal decisions to override legal mandates. This erosion of legitimacy further undermined the credibility of laws and legislators. Moreover, a sense of agency and empowerment in controlling their environment had driven some motorcyclists to forgo helmets as they sought to express their skills and individuality in this manner. Based on these findings, developing a comprehensive program to increase helmet use in Gorgan and other areas with high motorcycle usage could be highly effective. This program informed by the results of this research and studies from various countries consisted of 8 key steps: Public awareness and education Community engagement through awareness campaigns Improving accessibility and affordability of helmets, including the establishment of manufacturing facilities and development of safety standards Commercial marketing of helmets Promotion and endorsement of helmet use by influential public figures Incentive policies (both internal and external) from governmental and private sectors to encourage helmet use and adherence to safety standards Consistent and effective enforcement of helmet laws Ongoing research, monitoring, and evaluation of helmet use initiatives. Implementing this comprehensive program could significantly enhance helmet adoption and improve safety among motorcyclists.   Acknowledgment This article was derived from a research project titled "Investigating the Reasons for Non-Use of Helmets among Motorcyclists in Gorgan City and Providing Practical Solutions to Increase Their Use", which was commissioned and financially supported by Golestan Province Government. We extend our heartfelt gratitude to them and all participants, who contributed to this research.

IntroductionMigration defined as the geographical mobility of individuals and groups takes various forms for diverse purposes, such as education, employment, and forced displacement (e. g., asylum). It occurs at both national and international levels. From a sociological perspective, the rates and patterns of migration, the individuals involved, and the motivations behind migration fluctuate based on the social and economic characteristics of societies. Over time, like other social phenomena, migration patterns have evolved. Two significant trends are the internationalization and feminization of migration. Driven by globalization, migration predominantly occurs on an international scale, with individuals from developing countries moving to more developed nations for various reasons. The feminization of migration refers to the increasing trend of educated women migrating independently to developed countries in search of employment opportunities, contrasting with the past when men primarily undertook such migrations, either alone or with their families. Iran is recognized as one of the world's leading countries in terms of both international emigration and female emigration. However, previous studies, often influenced by androcentric biases or "sex roles" theories, have frequently neglected or inadequately addressed women's international migration. Additionally, these studies have relied heavily on quantitative data and methodologies, overlooking the personal perceptions and contextual factors that motivate girls to migrate. Thus, this study aimed to analyze the phenomenon of international migration among educated Iranian girls, exploring the contexts and reasons associated with it through an interpretive phenomenological approach.   Materials & MethodsThis study was conducted within an interpretive paradigm, utilizing a phenomenological approach and Smith's Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) methodology. In phenomenological research, participants are those who have directly experienced the phenomenon or are deeply engaged with it. Accordingly, 6 young women intending to migrate abroad were purposefully selected for this study. These participants visited the Isfahan City Cooperative, as well as Labor and Social Welfare Office, weekly or biweekly between early Khordad 1400 (June 2021) and the first week of Shahrivar 1400 (September 2021) to cancel their educational commitments due to the availability of free education in Iranian universities. The key criteria for participant selection included a definite intention to emigrate to a developed country and a willingness to participate in the study. The sampling method employed was both convenient and purposeful. Data collection was carried out through open-ended dialogues and semi-structured interviews. The primary unit of data analysis was the content of significant sentences. Data were labeled and thematized according to Smith's method, which involved a process of reading and re-reading interview transcripts, taking initial notes, developing emerging themes, and exploring links and relationships between the identified themes. To validate the findings, the researchers analyzed and reviewed the constructed themes multiple times, solicited participant feedback on the interpretation and representation of the data, and included direct quotes from participants' statements under each illustrated theme and its sub-themes.  Discussion of Results & ConclusionThe researchers identified 5 overarching themes that encapsulated the participants' interpretations of their motivations for migration: “escape from multiple constraints and the pursuit of desires in a Western utopia”, “self-fulfillment through gratitude and the acquisition of social capital”, “experiences of multiple discrimination and deprivation”, “satisfaction of unmet economic needs”, and “relief from feelings of insecurity”, along with “unconditional incentives from their communication networks”. These women held a distinct perspective shaped by an ontological "dualism", attributing "negative-repulsive" characteristics to their home country (Iran) and "positive-attractive" qualities to their destinations (developed countries). This dualistic view fueled their social and political motivations for migration. In their own words, they sought to escape the complex, insecure, and distressing conditions of life in their homeland. They viewed migration as a strategy to achieve their aspirations and acquire a cultural identity in a safe, peaceful, culturally diverse, and tolerant environment, where opportunities to realize their full potential as individuals and as women appeared more attainable. They had been planning and taking steps toward this goal for years. Drawing on Smith's pivotal concept of "comprehensive experience", we could view the "intention" to migrate as a "thread" in a rosary, weaving together the seemingly disparate past, present, and future plans of these young women. Their understanding and interpretation of the contrasting realities—real or imagined—of the two "social spaces" (domestic and foreign) could be visualized as a scale, where the perceived benefits of the destination significantly had heightened their desire to migrate. In simple terms, these women, dissatisfied with the social, cultural, and economic conditions of their home country and facing various forms of discrimination and deprivation, regarded migration to developed countries as a hopeful avenue to fulfill their unmet desires, improve their quality of life, and escape their difficult circumstances. Their decision to migrate was facilitated by their cultural capital (attributes of the individuals) and the socioeconomic opportunities available globally (structural conditions), making migration a rational and feasible choice. From a phenomenological perspective, the overarching interpretation of their migration intention could be framed as a quest for "liberation from the unbearable conditions of their origin and fulfillment of unmet desires in the destination". Additionally, it is crucial to note that the patterns, reasons, and contexts associated with the women's migration possessed distinct characteristics that had extended beyond purely economic motivations and diverged significantly from male migration patterns.  AcknowledgmentsThe authors would like to express their heartfelt gratitude to all participants, who generously shared their time and insights for this research. Their collaboration and support were instrumental in the successful completion of this study.

Introduction The Mafia or Werewolf game is a group reasoning game designed for more than 5 players. In this game, each participant assumes a role and players compete as two groups: the mafia and the citizens. This game was chosen for this study due to its overlap with the socio-political elements present in urban life. From this perspective, the game's structure—featuring an informed minority and an unaware majority—offered insights that resonated with young people's perceptions of their societal realities. It is important to clarify that our intention was not to impose a singular interpretation on reality or reduce society to mere gameplay. Rather, we recognized that games could be viewed as social phenomena that both reflected and influenced social life, expressing societal thoughts and underlying meanings. To date, there appears to be a lack of research focused on the dimensions of the Mafia game and players' interpretations of its social elements, highlighting the need for this study. We currently lack insight into how young players and spectators interpret the Mafia game. Therefore, we sought to answer the following questions: What interpretations do young people have of the Mafia game? How do they understand its roles and actions in relation to social life?     Materials & Methods This research employed a qualitative approach, primarily utilizing the ethnographic method of interpretive ethnography. The peer community was selected through a snowball sampling technique. Data collection involved observations using both emic and etic perspectives complemented by in-depth interviews. Data analysis was conducted through an interpretative lens, drawing on the work of Julian M. Murchison. Given the limited theoretical literature in this area, existing theories were occasionally referenced for categorization. In the final stage, as not all categories could be adequately explained by existing theories, we formulated the final analysis with an interpretive focus based on the categories themselves.   Discussion of Results & Conclusion From the analysis, 8 main categories emerged. In relation to the 1st research objective, the following 4 categories were identified: the placelessness/timelessness of global entertainment, the game as a symbol of societal ideas distinct from reality, the mafia as a sublimation of reality, and family-oriented themes. For the 2nd objective, 4 additional categories were extracted: the symbol of the modern man, the game director, the executor of charismatic/rational authority within the city, and the sanctity and de-sanctification of the individual, along with the strategies governing interactions: silence, consensus, and law. The findings indicated that there were varied interpretations of the Mafia game, its roles, and actions, which closely paralleled real-life experiences in urban settings. Much like social life, the Mafia game presented a landscape of diverse roles that were managed according to individuals' positions and abilities. The elements of the game reflected the nature of social interactions among individuals in society. Young people interpreted the game in ways that resonated with their perspectives and experiences of life in their communities. Understanding these interpretations could enhance our comprehension of the socio-political views held by young people regarding their actual roles and actions in society. Consequently, the Mafia game provided a valuable opportunity for research within the social sciences. The presence of various socio-political archetypes in the game offered a rich context for understanding the actions and interpretations of different groups across diverse economic, social, political, and cultural landscapes. What strategies did these groups prefer when confronting challenges? How did they navigate conflicts of interest? Did they reach mutual understanding? Was there a perceived need for a controlling figure to manage the city within the collective unconscious? Or did ongoing criticism of power compel groups to assume responsibility and collaborate, thereby legitimizing rational-legal authority? For these reasons, the Mafia game served as an apt space for exploring socio-political issues both in the global arena and within specific societies.

Introduction Cynicism encompasses a coherent set of beliefs and expectations regarding human behavior, forming a crucial aspect of an individual's overall outlook on human nature. It is characterized by a pessimistic attitude toward the future and unrealistic expectations for oneself and others. Social cynicism, specifically, refers to the widespread belief that individuals and institutions cannot be trusted, suggesting that human nature and the social environment primarily yield negative outcomes. This cynical perspective is often accompanied by a defensive attitude toward others. Individuals who exhibit social cynicism tend to view self-interest as the primary motivator of human behavior, expressing skepticism about the sincerity, virtue, and altruism of others. Such an attitude can pose a significant threat to social cohesion. Studies conducted in Isfahan corroborate this notion, revealing a high level of social cynicism among its citizens. This study aimed to theoretically and empirically develop an analytical model that examined the influence of family power structures (independent variable) on social cynicism (dependent variable), with social class serving as a moderating variable. This issue was significant as it suggested that social cynicism might negatively impact interpersonal and social relationships among citizens. The theoretical framework for this study drew upon the theories of Dahrendorf, Turner, Collins, Kemper, and Weber.     Materials & Methods This research employed a survey-based approach, targeting citizens aged 18 years and older in Isfahan. A combined two-stage cluster sampling method was utilized to select participants. Drawing on previous studies regarding the socioeconomic status of neighborhoods in Isfahan, these areas were categorized into 6 distinct class levels, each representing a cluster. From each cluster, 4 neighborhoods were chosen to ensure a comprehensive representation of the city and sampling was subsequently conducted within these selected neighborhoods. The sample size calculated using Sample Power software comprised 410 individuals. Variables were operationalized based on prior research, established theories, and interviews. Social cynicism was assessed at 4 levels: individual, interpersonal, group, and societal. The dimensions of family power structure included the nature of power relations, decision-making processes, and methods of exercising power. Meanwhile, social class was evaluated based on income, education, and occupational status. The validity of the questionnaire was established through both content and construct validity and its reliability was confirmed using Cronbach's alpha coefficient.   Discussion of Results & Conclusion The findings revealed that 51.5% of respondents were female, while 48.5% were male. Additionally, 67.7% of participants were married and 32.3% were single. In terms of social class, 26.8% of them were identified as upper class, 37.6% as middle class, and 35.6% as lower class. The average score for social cynicism was 3.36, indicating a notable level of cynicism within the studied population. Specifically, the interpersonal level was scored approximately 3.4, while the institutional level reached around 4, reflecting the highest degree of cynicism at the institutional level. Analysis of the family power structure indicated a preference for a patriarchal system, particularly evident in lower social classes. Furthermore, the results demonstrated a significant association between greater asymmetry in family power structures and elevated levels of social cynicism among family members. When examining the relationship between family power structure and social cynicism across different social classes, it was found that in the middle and upper classes, increased family power asymmetry correlated with higher levels of social cynicism. Conversely, this relationship was not significant within the lower class, suggesting the influence of additional factors on cynicism in this group. These factors might overshadow the impact of family power structure, even in families with relatively symmetrical dynamics. This suggested that the effect of family power structure on social cynicism was contingent on social class, thereby underscoring the moderating role of social class in this relationship. Individuals from lower social classes, due to their subordinate position in the societal hierarchy, were more likely to experience diminished emotional energy and feelings of injustice and deprivation, which were aligned with cynicism. Consequently, even when family power structure was not taken into account, belonging to a lower class could heighten the likelihood of social cynicism, thereby reducing the significance of family power dynamics in this context.

Introduction Marriage is often pursued to enhance one's quality of life and is a common practice among humans. A troubling manifestation of this is child marriage, which refers to formal or informal unions involving individuals, who have not yet reached the legal marriage age. This practice not only leads to severe physical and psychological harm for those involved, but also acts as a catalyst for various social issues. Given the significant influence of culture and societal norms on the prevalence of child marriage, this study aimed to investigate the social factors contributing to this phenomenon in Dishmok, a city in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad Province.     Materials & Methods This research employed a quantitative methodology, utilizing a survey approach for data collection. The statistical population included all urban and rural households in Dishmok City, totaling 4, 711 households. Data were collected using a researcher-developed questionnaire administered to a sample of 355 individuals selected through a multi-stage random sampling technique. Data analysis was conducted using variance-based Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) facilitated by Smart PLS and SPSS software.   Discussion of Results & Conclusion The findings of this study revealed a pervasive situation of economic poverty in the region. The inclination toward child marriage among the residents of Dishmok was notably higher than the average. The comparison of means indicated that the propensity for child marriage was greater among married individuals than among those who were single. The variables of patriarchal attitudes, conventional religiosity (which represented a patriarchal interpretation of religion and religious narratives), and legal support had positively influenced the tendency toward child marriage. Conversely, awareness of the consequences of child marriage, along with levels of education and income, had served to decrease this tendency. Overall, the variables examined in this study accounted for approximately 78. 7% of the variance in the inclination toward child marriage. Moreover, moderation analysis based on gender showed that the studied variables explained 75. 8 and 85. 9% of the variance in child marriage tendencies among males and  females, respectively. Notably, differences in patriarchal attitudes and awareness of the consequences of child marriage were significant factors in this regard. The results of this research supported feminist theory, which posits that in patriarchal societies characterized by authoritarian structures, men serve as the primary decision-makers within the family. Specifically, the responsibility for granting permission for daughters to marry predominantly rests with male family members, particularly fathers, who exert control over the timing, age, and selection of their daughters' spouses. The overarching conclusion of this study indicated that economic deprivation, a prevalent characteristic among the region's population combined with a dominant patriarchal mindset—particularly one that was often accepted by women—had fostered an environment conducive to the proliferation of child marriage. Additionally, the widespread acceptance of customary religiosity, which promoted early marriage and reinforced male dominance, had further facilitated the conditions that enabled child marriage to thrive. The cohesive nature of rural and traditional lifestyles, along with societal beliefs that endorsed a marriage age lower than the national average, had created a favorable psychological environment for such unions. The interplay of these factors, alongside relatively weak legal frameworks aimed at deterring child marriage—especially regarding enforcement—had collectively contributed to its persistence in the region. The findings of this study suggested that preventing child marriage in this area could be achievable if initial efforts focused on alleviating economic poverty through increased income levels and enhanced educational opportunities. By raising awareness about the detrimental effects of child marriage, communities can cultivate a more informed populace. Furthermore, a nuanced and accurate interpretation of religious texts, free from the biases of specific interest groups, can significantly mitigate this harmful practice, with progressive religious leaders playing a vital role in this task. Finally, establishing stringent laws aimed at curbing child marriage coupled with diligent oversight of their enforcement by governmental authorities represented a critical strategy derived from this study's findings to combat child marriage and its associated negative effects.

Introduction How is social development measured in Iran? Social development is a multidimensional concept and no single dimension can provide a comprehensive understanding of it. However, measuring complex social issues, such as social development with their various dimensions and dispersed information as a single variable poses significant challenges. As a result, composite indicators are typically employed. In recent years, the use of these indicators has grown significantly among international organizations. Despite their increasing popularity, aggregating heterogeneous information into a composite indicator remains difficult and social researchers in Iran have largely overlooked this issue. Often, social development indicators are considered in isolation, which leads to a narrow and incomplete perspective in policymaking. The absence of a scientific consensus on the selection of these indicators has rendered social development goals somewhat idealistic and subjective. Therefore, construction of a composite indicator is crucial. Such an indicator can improve data management, enhance analysis, optimize resource utilization, and facilitate comparisons across different regions. Furthermore, a composite indicator can capture long-term changes and sustainable impacts, serving as an effective tool for evaluating and monitoring projects and policies. Nonetheless, the process of constructing a composite indicator is complex and fraught with challenges as key decisions can significantly impact the quality and reliability of the results. This article explored the methodological decisions involved in creating a Composite Social Development Index (CSDI) in Iran, addressed the associated challenges, and proposed new methods to clarify this issue.     Materials & Methods In this study, we adopted the method developed by Nardo et al. for constructing the composite index. When selecting a method for aggregating individual indicators, several key factors must be considered: nature of indicators (compensated vs. non-compensated), type of aggregation (simple vs. complex), basis of comparison (absolute vs. relative), and nature of weightings (objective vs. subjective). It is important to recognize that there is no definitive or permanent approach to the composite indicator-building process. At times, it may be necessary to forgo certain requirements or adjust the methodology based on specific circumstances.   Discussion of Results & Conclusion This article explored the methodological tools employed in constructing the Composite Social Development Index (CSDI), highlighting the key decisions made at each stage. The primary dimensions of social development were identified during the theoretical framework phase. The selection of indices and indicators was guided by their alignment with theoretical content and the principle of non-compensation. Data were collected from various sources, including the general census, statistical yearbooks, official organizational reports, and reputable national research projects. To validate the underlying structure of the data, it was evaluated against criteria, such as analytical power, lack of overlap, accessibility, and reliability. Normalization techniques were applied to facilitate meaningful comparisons between indicators, which included standardizing the data to a common scale or adjusting it relative to a constant value. To address the issue of unequal weighting, Principal Component Analysis (PCA) was utilized to assign appropriate weights to the indicators. Subsequently, the weighted normalized indicators were aggregated using mathematical modeling to ensure that the final index accurately reflected the multifaceted nature of social development. The constructed index underwent validation through consistency checks and comparisons with existing social development measurements. The results indicated that the CSDI, which encompassed 3 dimensions, 11 indicators, and 89 indices, effectively analyzed various aspects of social development in a coherent and comprehensible manner. This tool not only enables policymakers to accurately assess the current situation, but also facilitates monitoring of changes and analysis of trends within the social domain. The CSDI serves as an analytical tool that aids in formulating social development action strategies for interventions by enhancing understanding of the situation, enabling regular and direct monitoring, analyzing trends, and increasing policymakers' responsiveness.