SOCIAL PROBLEMS OF IRAN
Year:2025 | Volume:16 | Issue:3|Papers Count:9

Abstract           This research aims to explain violations of traffic laws using the Expanded Deterrence Theory of Stafford and Warr, Akers' Social Learning Theory, and Wikström's Situational Action Theory. This study employed a survey method, using a questionaire for data collection. The statistical population consists of individuals over 18 years of age passed a driver's license in Mazandaran Province. Proportionate stratified random sampling was used for the sample size of 400 people. The descriptive findings indicate that the most common traffic violations committed by respondents in the past two years were using a mobile phone while driving, while the least frequent violations were running red lights. The results of the regression analysis reveal that the variables of criminal propensity, the Criminogeneity of setting, neutralizing definitions, and experience of punishment avoidance have a significant impact on traffic law violations. However, differential reinforcement does not significantly influence the dependent variable. Thus, based on Situational Action Theory, it can be argued that an increase in criminal propensity and the Criminogeneity of setting leads to a higher incidence of traffic law violations. Additionally, according to Extended Deterrence Theory, experience of punishment avoidance —by reducing the perceived certainty of punishment—may increase the violations. It should also be noted that, consistent with Social Learning Theory, neutralizing definitions may lead to repeated traffic violations by reducing guilty feeling, whereas differential reinforcement does not produce this outcome. This may be due to the normalization of violations and a widespread belief in the uncertainty of punishment within the studied population. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction Traffic and driver behavior have a significant impact on public health, the economy, and safety, and compliance with traffic laws is crucial for the prevention of accidents. Traffic violations such as speeding, running red lights, and driving under the influence are the main factors contributing to the increase in road accidents and fatalities. Reports indicate that over 90% of accidents are caused by human factors, and both Iran and Mazandaran Province have experienced a rising trend in casualties and injuries. These incidents, in addition to human loses, impose substantial economic costs. Understanding the factors influencing traffic violations in Mazandaran, because of its high population density, car-oriented transportation structure, and susceptibility to influences from major cities, is particularly important for reducing accidents and improving road safety. 2. Methodology This study used a cross-sectional survey design. The target population included individuals over 18 years old with a valid driving license in Mazandaran Province, totaling 1, 586, 112 people according to the Applied Research Center of the Iranian Police (FARAJA). Using Cochran’s formula, a sample of 400 participants was selected through stratified proportional sampling. Three counties (Babol, Ramsar, and Behshahr) were randomly chosen, and the sample size in each county was proportional to the number of license holders. Data were collected using questionnaires based on standardized items, which showed acceptable validity and reliability. The study examined variables such as traffic law violations, criminal propensity, criminogeneity of setting, differential reinforcement, neutralization techniques, and experiences of escaping punishment, all measured with validated instruments. 3. Findings 1. The respondents were mostly in the middle-age group (31–59 years), with an average age of approximately 42 years. Most were born in urban areas and currently reside in cities. In terms of education, about half of the participants held a university degree, while only 0. 5% were illiterate. The majority had 10 to 20 years of driving experience, with an average of 14 years and 4 months. During a 24-hour period, most respondents drive for no more than one hour, and the average daily driving time is approximately two hours and thirty-five minutes. Additionally, 93% of respondents owned a passenger car, 4% a commercial vehicle, and 3% owned both types of vehicle 2. Regarding the main variables of the study, criminal propensity, Criminogeneity of setting, neutralizing definitions, and the Punishment avoidance were generally low among respondents, while differential reinforcement was mostly at a moderate level. Furthermore, in examining traffic violations over the past two years, the most common offense was "using a mobile phone while driving, " followed by "not wearing a seatbelt" and "not maintaining a safe distance from the vehicle ahead. " The least frequent violation was running a red light. 3. This study aimed to investigate the factors influencing traffic violations and to analyze the impact of individual and environmental factors on drivers' behavior. The findings indicated that criminal propensity has a significant and positive effect on traffic violations, Individuals with criminal propensities are more likely to engage in illegal driving behaviors. Additionally, criminogenic environmental characteristics significantly increase violations, suggesting that environmental conditions conducive to committing offenses raise the likelihood of risky driving behaviors. 4. Contrary to expectations, differential reinforcement did not have a significant impact on violations, meaning that peer pressures and social influences from peer groups do not play a prominent role in this sample. In contrast, neutralization techniques and the experience of Punishment avoidance had a positive and significant effect on violations, that is, individuals who justify their behaviors or have experienced avoiding punishment are more likely to engage in repeated violations. These findings indicate that both psychological factors and previous individual experiences play an important role in committing violations. 4. Conclusion In the present era, the importance of traffic and its impact on the economic, social, cultural, and health aspects of human life is undeniable. The increasing use of automobiles and the necessity of maintaining social order highlight the need for traffic laws and regulations for handling violations. Traffic laws are designed to reduce unsafe behaviors and prevent accidents, defining actions such as driving under the influence or speeding as illegal. In the present study, based on the theoretical framework of three theories (extended deterrence, social learning, and situational action) hypotheses related to the effects of criminal propensity, Criminogeneity of setting, differential reinforcement, neutralization techniques, and experiences of Punishment avoidance on traffic violations were tested. The results of statistical analyses indicated that criminal propensity has a significant positive effect on traffic violations, in other words, an increase in criminal propensity leads to a higher likelihood of committing violations, which is consistent with Wikstrom’s situational action theory. Additionally, Criminogeneity of setting also have a significant positive impact on violations, that is, the more conducive the environment is to committing violations, the higher the rate of traffic offenses. On the other hand, differential reinforcement did not have a significant effect on violations, and the related hypothesis was not confirmed, suggesting that in some societies, social pressures, environmental conditions, and lack of adequate supervision can neutralize the influence of social reinforcements. In contrast, neutralization techniques exert a significant positive effect on violations, individuals who justify or rationalize their behaviors reduce their feelings of guilt, which in turn increases the likelihood of repeated offenses. Furthermore, the experience of Punishment avoidance also has a significant positive impact on violations, meaning that the more frequently individuals experience evading sanctions, the more likely they are to commit violations. This finding aligns with the extended deterrence theory.   Based on these findings, policies aimed at reducing traffic violations should be grounded in both theoretical frameworks and empirical evidence. Proper and continuous education on traffic laws in schools, along with practical and theoretical training programs, can help internalize legal and ethical values in individuals. Promoting traffic safety culture and raising awareness through mass media, employing surveillance technologies such as trackers and smart cameras, implementing graduated fines and alternative punishments, ensuring transparency in police operations, and encouraging social participation in monitoring drivers can all contribute to reducing violations and enhancing compliance with traffic regulations. Overall, the study’s findings suggest that a combination of education, cultural promotion, increased certainty of law enforcement, and the use of social and technological monitoring represents the most effective approach for mitigating traffic violations.

One of the types of violence against women is genital mutilation, such as Circumcision, which causes physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women and is caused by cultural and social issues and has received less attention. The aim of the present study is to examine the “lived experience of the socio-cultural contexts of female genital mutilation centered on “Circumcision” in Hormozgan Province”. Data were collected using a social interpretive approach and a qualitative method using in-depth interview techniques. Based on the purposeful snowball sampling method and the theoretical saturation criterion, fifteen people participated in this study and their lived experience in relation to the lived experience of female genital mutilation centered on “Circumcision” was studied and analyzed. The analysis of information and the presentation of the final theory are based on the grounded theory method. According to the findings, the central category that indicates the impact of religious and family institutions in the continuation and “reproduction of the traditional pattern” has been. The causal conditions for the formation of the central phenomenon as perceived by the participants include: deception, inexperience, passivity, fear, disturbing feelings or perceptions. The conditions of various intervening factors include: traditionalism, obligation of religious norms, gender stereotypes, repressive stereotypes and cultural alienation. In order to oppose the phenomenon and interrupt it, the activists also use strategies such as: escape strategies (escape, delay) and gender empowerment. The consequences of using the strategies of the participants are: withdrawal, feminine deficiency, physical, mental and emotional damage, dissatisfaction and social confrontation. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction Female genital mutilation (FGM) not only lacks any medical or health benefits but also represents a form of violence and sexual abuse against girls and women. This practice jeopardizes women’s health and leads to numerous complications, including uterine infections, severe pain during sexual intercourse, frequent urination, and persistent bleeding. Violence against women transcends class, race, nationality, age, religion, and ideology, and FGM—often referred to as cutting or circumcision—is one manifestation of this global phenomenon. It inflicts physical, sexual, and psychological harm and persists due to entrenched cultural and social norms that have received limited scholarly attention. Opposition to FGM has become a major concern for women’s rights advocates, human rights activists, social movements, and international organizations such as UNICEF and the United Nations. The most extreme forms of this practice have devastating effects on women’s physical and psychological well-being and can even result in death due to bleeding or infection. This study aims to examine the socio-cultural contexts of FGM in Hormozgan Province, focusing on the lived experiences of women who have undergone cutting. It seeks to answer the following questions: What are women’s lived experiences of FGM in Hormozgan Province? What are the socio-cultural foundations of this practice? What are its main consequences? And what strategies can help prevent or reduce it? 2. Methodology This qualitative study employs grounded theory to explore the lived experiences and socio-cultural foundations of FGM. Participants were selected through theoretical and snowball sampling, resulting in a group of 15 women from Hormozgan Province in 2022–2023. Interviews continued until data saturation was reached. Data collection was based on semi-structured interviews, and new participants were recruited according to emerging concepts and categories derived from the grounded theory framework. The data were analyzed through open, axial, and selective coding, leading to 289 initial concepts condensed into 42 subcategories and 17 core categories. These were integrated into a paradigmatic model consisting of causal conditions, intervening conditions, strategies, and consequences centered around the core phenomenon. To ensure validity, interviews included women of different ages and social backgrounds. Continuous comparison of data, triangulation with national and international studies, and conceptual saturation strengthened both internal and external validity. 3. Findings Causal conditions showed that family decisions regarding cutting are shaped by local normative pressures, fear of moral stigmatization, and gender stereotypes. Mothers, often influenced by elder female relatives, face a conflict between preserving family honor and protecting their daughters’ bodily integrity. Contextual and intervening conditions revealed that local customs outweigh religious mandates, with religion serving more as a legitimizing discourse than a genuine obligation. Ritual adherence—embedded within an “economy of morality” that links honor to control over female sexuality—plays a decisive role in maintaining the practice. Although some participants referred to strict Shafi'i interpretations, analysis showed these beliefs were intertwined with misinformation and limited access to alternative medical or religious perspectives. The findings also indicated that women’s strategies evolve over time. In childhood, strategies such as silence, avoidance, and endurance prevail, while in adulthood, negotiation, persuasion, alliance-building, and consulting midwives or physicians emerge as active strategies. These actions expand through storytelling, reframing of shame and honor, and social media advocacy. Education, urbanization, and exposure to external influences further strengthen this transformation. The consequences are both physical and psychological: pain during intercourse, reduced pleasure, difficulty achieving sexual satisfaction, feelings of bodily violation, and traumatic recollections. A notable insight is women’s dual role—as both subjects of the practice and agents of its reproduction or transformation. Female leadership within families can either reinforce traditional norms or catalyze change when supported by education, networks, and alternative knowledge. 4. Conclusion The conceptual framework integrates causal and intervening conditions, strategies, and consequences into a coherent model centered on the reproduction of male-centered subjectivity upon women’s bodies. This reproduction is sustained through ritual legitimacy, bodily discipline, and intergenerational transmission within kinship-based family structures and the moral economy of honor. However, intervening factors such as education, urbanization, culturally sensitive health services, and access to alternative narratives open cracks in this structure. Depending on women’s access to resources and alliances, these cracks may widen, allowing for critical forms of female agency to emerge. Consequently, outcomes range from the reinforcement of patriarchal control to the rise of a new female subjectivity that redefines bodily dignity and social value.

This study employs data mining techniques on Instagram big-data to identify and configure the most influential local networks and fields across 11, 515 high-engagement local pages in Tehran Province, using social network analysis methods. The findings reveal that as internet penetration has deepened in citizens' daily lives, working-class women have gradually formed robust local online networks, enabling them to create extensive informal micro-enterprises, and emerge as an unintended new social force driving socio-political change. The dominant poles within identified local fields, ranked by network size, are: women engaged in Instagram-based micro-enterprises, celebrities, conservatives, central-city residents, street toughs ("Lāts"), Turkish-speaking communities, pigeon-keeping enthusiasts. Among these seven local fields, national influencer pages exhibit strongest authority within: celebrity networks (highest), working women's networks, conservative circles, indicating these three fields possess greater capacity to directly shape citizens' political attitudes and behaviors. Notably, women engaged in Instagram-based micro-enterprises networks demonstrate significantly greater influence in: high-migration zones, recently developed suburban settlements, areas with weaker traditional/religious/governmental institutions. The study concludes that Tehran's emerging pattern of "quiet encroachments" differs fundamentally from pre-internet era movements in terms of: formation contexts, geographical distribution, core social actors, and types of demands. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The profound penetration of the internet into daily life has sparked a critical debate regarding its impact on socio-political formations. This study moves beyond the dichotomy of overstating versus dismissing the online sphere's influence by proposing an integrated framework that simultaneously observes online and offline variables. Focusing on Tehran Province—a context marked by significant ethnic, cultural, and class diversity—this research investigates how local online networks on the Instagram platform have become a pivotal arena for the economic and social empowerment of lower-class women. In recent years, these women, facing substantial barriers in the formal labor market, have leveraged local online networks to create extensive informal micro-enterprises, inadvertently emerging as a new social force. The theoretical framework synthesizes Castells' theory of "communicative power" in the "network society, " Bourdieu's concepts of "field" and "capital, " and Granovetter's "strength of weak ties. " From this integrated perspective, local online networks are interpreted as new "fields" where a distinct form of "digital communicative capital" is generated and accumulated. Through "weak ties, " these networks facilitate access to novel resources and information for marginalized actors. This process not only fosters individual economic empowerment but also, by enabling a sustained and non-confrontational "politics of presence, " contributes to the reconfiguration of social structures and challenges the prevailing symbolic order at a macro level. 2. Methodology This research employs a mixed-methods approach, primarily grounded in a big data mining strategy. The study population comprises 11, 515 high-engagement local pages within Tehran Province (excluding central Tehran County) identified in the year 2023-2024. The selection criteria required pages to have over 1, 000 followers, demonstrate activity within the past year, and exhibit a clear focus on a specific county or neighborhood within the province. Data collection was performed using a "Link Tracing" method with a snowball sampling approach, starting from a seed list of known local pages and iteratively adding qualifying pages from their followers until data saturation was achieved. Data mining and big data collection were executed using crawlers connected to Instagram's API within the Google Colab environment, utilizing the Python programming language for both data collection and preprocessing. The core network analysis was conducted using the specialized software Gephi. The pivotal step of "local field identification" was accomplished through "Community Detection" based on the "Louvain Algorithm, " which optimizes the "modularity" metric to decompose the large network graph into cohesive communities/fields characterized by high internal link density. To analyze the interconnection between these local networks and the national level, data from 4, 243 national high-impact pages were collected, and their "Authority" score within each local field was calculated. Finally, to assess the longitudinal trend of women's empowerment, data from 658, 902 posts published by local pages between 2015 and 2024 were extracted, and the median number of comments received, disaggregated by the page owner's gender, was analyzed. 3. Findings The analysis of the network connecting 11, 515 local and 4, 243 national pages revealed seven dominant local fields, ranked by network size: 1. Women with online businesses (48% of all pages), 2. Celebrities (24%), 3. Conservatives (15%), 4. Central-City Residents (6%), 5. Street Toughs ("Lāts") (3%), 6. Turkish-speaking communities (2%), and 7. Pigeon-keeping enthusiasts (2%). The field of working women was further subdivided into three geographical clusters: west, east, and southeast of the province. Geographical and Gender Distribution: A starkly uneven gender distribution was observed among local business page owners. In newly established, migrant-receiving counties such as Pardis, Pakdasht, Eslamshahr, Robat Karim, and Qarchak, women constituted 84% to 94% of personal business page owners. In contrast, this share ranged only between 32% and 44% in more traditional counties like Ghods, Malard, Pishva, and Firuzkuh. These areas of strong female influence showed significant overlap with regions that had the highest average annual population growth rates during the 2010s. National Authority and Political Alignment: Analysis of the authority of national pages indicated that the fields of Celebrities, Working Women, and Conservatives (in that order) were the most influenced by national influencers, granting them a greater capacity to directly shape citizens' political attitudes and behaviors. In terms of political alignment, while working women often exercised caution, their networks showed greater affinity with "transformationist" and "overthrow-seeking" political currents. Educational pages (related to business skills) held the highest authority within this field. Conversely, conservatives were predominantly influenced by principlist and religious pages. Analysis of "celebrity-activist" authority further confirmed that prominent figures supporting the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement (e. g., Ali Karimi, Golshifteh Farahani, Shervin Hajipour) held significantly higher authority within the field of working women. Trend of Women's Empowerment: The longitudinal analysis of the median number of comments received by local pages demonstrated a dramatically steeper increase in audience engagement for pages owned by women compared to those owned by men over the past decade. Notably, this favorable trend for women began approximately two years prior to the emergence of the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement and continued with a sharp upward trajectory. 4. Conclusion The findings of this research signify a fundamental transformation in the patterns of social and political activism within the peripheries of metropolitan Tehran. The emergence of powerful local online fields centered around working lower-class women demonstrates that the contemporary phenomenon of "quiet encroachment" in Tehran Province differs fundamentally from its pre-internet counterpart in four key dimensions: First, in its formative context, which is born from the constant interplay and mutual reinforcement of online and offline spaces. Second, in its geographical locus, which has shifted from classic informal settlements to new, relatively formal suburban towns (e. g., Pardis, Parand). Third, in its core social agency, where networked lower-class women have supplanted the traditional male poor as the primary actors. Fourth, in the nature of its demands, which have evolved from mere "survival" and a "less-than-dignified life" to aspirations for an "ordinary and dignified life" and demands for an "efficient and non-repressive state. " These local online networks, operating through "weak ties, " generate and distribute "digital communicative capital, " thereby enabling lower-class women to transcend the constraints imposed by traditional fields such as family and the formal labor market. This dynamic is a quintessential example of a "politics of presence"—a form of collective action whose primary motive is the improvement of individual living conditions but which, when enacted on a mass scale, coalesces into a "non-movement" and produces social changes unintended and often undesired by the structures of power. Consequently, the dual forces of marginalization from the formal economy and the facilitatory role of local online networks have unwittingly transformed lower-class women into a networked and potent social force, granting them an unprecedented level of agency in the contemporary socio-political transformations of Iran.

Organizational "silence" represents a critical challenge within educational institutions, obstructing the optimal utilization of employees' knowledge and experiences. This study aims to develop a model for organizational silence within the education sector, employing the Grounded Theory method. Organizational silence, defined as the reluctance of teachers and staff to voice practical opinions, stems from structural and cultural factors that threaten organizational development. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 30 cultural experts, teachers, managers, and employees of the Qom Province General Education Department, selected via purposive sampling. During the open coding phase, 375 conceptual codes, 60 subcategories, and 27 core categories were identified. The findings reveal that organizational silence manifests in eight distinct types: hegemonic passive silence, hegemonic conservative silence, hegemonic altruistic silence, strategic passive silence, strategic conservative silence, strategic self-interested silence, emancipatory silence, and ambiguous silence. Furthermore, causal factors driving silence include "personality weaknesses, inefficient socialization, perceived insecurity, organizational conformity processes, organizational injustice, toxic management styles, and fragile organizational identity, " which emerge as key triggers of this phenomenon. Contextual conditions such as "inhibitive organizational culture, support-related frustration, inefficiency in performance and structural evaluation, and demographic factors, " alongside intervening factors like "anomic organizational conditions, socially undesirable circumstances, politicization, and lack of institutional autonomy, " exacerbate its intensity. In response to organizational silence, actors adopt one of two strategies: passive acceptance or resistance and change. The consequences of this phenomenon are categorized across three levels: individual (e. g. reduced motivation), organizational (e. g. diminished efficiency), and societal (e. g. eroded public trust). By presenting a comprehensive model, this study facilitates a deeper understanding of organizational silence and offers strategies to address it, underscoring the need to revisit managerial and cultural structures to mitigate silence and enhance employee participation. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction In contemporary society, the imperative to leverage human capital and enhance efficiency in educational organizations—especially within the public sector—is more acute than ever. Although employees constitute a critical resource for problem-solving and performance improvement, many choose, for a range of reasons, to remain silent in the face of organizational concerns. This phenomenon, known as organizational silence, denotes the deliberate withholding of opinions, suggestions, and critical feedback. Whereas silence once carried a positive connotation—signifying loyalty, respect, and discipline—it has, over recent decades, been reconceptualized as a barrier to organizational and social development. In Iran, particularly within educational institutions, silence has become institutionalized: teachers and staff often refrain from voicing concerns in formal settings. This pattern intensifies under bureaucratic hierarchies and authoritarian managerial styles that structure organizational life. In Qom Province, the phenomenon is especially salient in formal meetings, where teachers and staff avoid expressing dissatisfaction or proposing solutions, reserving such discussions for informal contexts. These practices erode organizational participation and intrinsic motivation, lower service quality, and diminish public trust in the educational system. The present study analyzes the antecedents and consequences of organizational silence in Qom’s educational sector and proposes avenues for mitigation. 2. Methodology Guided by an interpretivist paradigm, this study adopts a qualitative design and employs grounded theory to capture the complexity and multi-dimensionality of organizational silence and to access participants’ lived meanings. This approach is well-suited to uncovering facets of social reality that are not readily measurable through quantitative methods. Sampling was purposive followed by theoretical sampling. Participants comprised 23 teachers, school leaders (principals/vice-principals), student-teachers, and administrative officers from the Qom Provincial Department of Education, along with 7 educational experts (total n = 30). The sample size was determined by theoretical saturation, data collection ceased once additional interviews no longer yielded novel categories relevant to the research questions. Data were gathered through semi-structured interviews. Data analysis followed Strauss and Corbin’s three-stage coding scheme: open, axial, and selective coding. This iterative process facilitated the identification of concepts, the aggregation of subcategories and categories, and, ultimately, the development of an integrated conceptual model. 3. Findings A total of 375 concepts were distilled into 60 subcategories and 27 core categories, forming a paradigmatic model of organizational silence encompassing causal, contextual, and intervening conditions, strategies, and consequences. Key factors contributing to silence include individual traits (e. g., low self-efficacy, introversion, Machiavellian tendencies), ineffective socialization, perceived insecurity, organizational injustice, toxic leadership, and weak professional or organizational identity. Contextual conditions such as a hostile cultural climate, poor communication channels, lack of support, dysfunctional performance appraisal, rigid bureaucracy, and demographic moderators further reinforce employees’ reluctance to speak up. Participants employed two main strategies in response: passive accommodation, through conformity, self-censorship, and performative alignment, or active resistance, including micro-resistance, peer networking, and occasional counterproductive tactics when formal avenues were blocked. The consequences span multiple levels: individually, employees experience hopelessness, burnout, and career stagnation, organizationally, silence fosters ritualism, reduced collaboration, poor decision-making, and lower productivity, societally, it contributes to moral decline and weakened institutional trust. Overall, organizational silence emerges as a collective phenomenon shaped by the interaction of personal dispositions, cultural norms, and structural constraints, producing cascading negative effects across micro, meso, and macro levels. 4. Conclusion The study demonstrates that organizational silence in Qom’s educational sector is a culturally and institutionally constructed phenomenon amplified by bureaucratic hierarchy, authoritarian leadership, and deficient communicative infrastructures. Antecedents span individual dispositions, silence-centered socialization, perceived insecurity, and injustice, yet silence often operates as a rational coping strategy to manage risks in constrained settings. Drawing on interactionist and power/helplessness perspectives, the analysis locates silence in everyday role expectations, surveillance, and unequal access to decision-making. Mitigation requires rebuilding communicative spaces, cultivating voice-supportive cultures (psychological safety, recognition, and fair appraisal), and structural reforms that decentralize authority and institutionalize inclusive participation. Such interventions can shift the system from silence and defensive compliance toward active professional agency and collaborative problem-solving.

The social transformations occurring in today's world, particularly regarding the economic and social status of women, have turned their celibacy into a significant challenge. This qualitative study explores the celibacy in girls in Gachsaran. The target group consists of single girls aged 40 and above, who were selected through purposive sampling. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were used for data collection. The grounded theory method based on the Corbin and Strauss model was employed to analyze the data. The collected data were coded in terms of open, axial, and selective coding. Based on the results of data analysis, 15 main categories were identified. These categories include internal turbulence, conflicting social network, concerns within the family, and intellectual challenges as “causal conditions”.  The “intervening conditions” were found to be gaining social status and gaining economic status,  while the “context conditions” included the rampancy of misandry among women in society, the dominance of traditional family norms, and economic barriers. “The strategies” to cope with these challenges were preoccupation, suppression of needs,  and spirituality. Finally, “the consequences” of these challenges were the distortion of social relationships,  individual morale, and personal and economic success. “Celibacy as a pervasive female challenge” emerged as the “core category” in this research. In fact, girls turn to education and career to fill the void in their lives but it is in conflict with the expectations of people around them in a traditional atmosphere, which in turn, creates a paradoxical experience of reconsidering and redefining gender roles. Extended Abstract Introduction: Throughout history and across all human societies, the “Commonality of Marriage” constituted a foundational norm, wherein individuals, upon reaching biological and social maturity, invariably proceeded to marry and establish a family unit. The advent of the Industrial Revolution instigated profound transformations within the institution of the family. The family structure shifted from “Extended” to “Nuclear, ” marriage evolved from a “Prescribed/Arranged” arrangement to one “Based on Love, ” the role of “Women” was radically altered, and the “Divorce Rate” began to escalate. Nevertheless, another striking phenomenon has emerged: celibacy. While this phenomenon applies to both genders, given that women lose their reproductive capacity around the age of 40, it is posited that women remaining unmarried by this age may exhibit no future inclination towards marriage. Consequently, the pattern of celibacy is predominantly discussed as a significant social issue concerning women. Current societal transformations, particularly changes in the economic and social status of women, have rendered female singlehood a critical challenge. On one hand, the Iranian woman is symbolically recognized as the epitome of devotion to her spouse and offspring, while on the other hand, women’s pursuit of individual advancement and the construction of new identities increasingly distances them from these traditional institutions. Although the topic of celibacy has received some scholarly attention in large metropolitan areas, it presents distinct dimensions in smaller cities with more traditional contexts, which have been relatively overlooked. This research focuses on singlehood in Gachsaran. Located in the Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province, Gachsaran not only supplies 25% of the nation’s exported oil but also possesses a complex social fabric. This complexity stems from its multi-ethnic composition (comprising Persian, Lur, and Turk populations) where the residues of the dominant tribal-nomadic system intermingle with the influx of labor migrants employed in the petrochemical industry. Since “celibacy” introduces ambiguities within this society characterized by a dualistic traditional-modern context, the present study seeks to investigate the following research questions: 1) What are the causal, contextual, and intervening conditions leading to the singlehood of women in Gachsaran? 2) What experiences do single women report regarding their unmarried lives? 3) What are the agency and interaction strategies employed by these women in response to their single status? 4) What are the consequences of singlehood for these women? 2. Methodology Given that the present study seeks to understand the conditions and consequences of singlehood life among women in the target community, it employs a Qualitative Research Method and the Grounded Theory Approach (GTA) to examine this phenomenon. The research participants were single women aged 40 and above residing in Gachsaran. A total of 13 eligible individuals were selected via Purposive Sampling until Theoretical Saturation was achieved. Data collection was carried out through In-depth Semi-Structured Interviews. For data analysis, the Grounded Theory method, specifically the Strauss and Corbin Paradigmatic Model with its Open, Axial, and Selective Coding strategies, was utilized. To ensure the Trustworthiness and reliability of the research, after the initial analysis, selected interviewees were re-engaged in discussion about the concepts derived from their interviews to confirm the researchers’ accurate understanding of their statements. 3. Findings Employing the Strauss and Corbin Paradigmatic Model, the Causal, Intervening, and Contextual Conditions, alongside the Action/Interaction Strategies and Consequences related to women’s singlehood life, were extracted from the interviews. The data analysis resulted in the identification of 15 core categories. The categories of psychological distress, conflicting network of relationship, Intra-family Concerns, and mental challenges were discovered as “causal Conditions. ” In this process, fear, feelings of doubt, and specific attitudes lead the individual toward preferring singlehood, resulting in a negative perception of marriage, especially since they have reached a state of social distrust towards the opposite sex within their social relations. These conditions, combined with internal family issues, dissuade them from marrying. Subsequently, acquisition of social status and acquisition of economic status were categorized as “intervening conditions. ” This shows that women’s pursuit of education and skills unintentionally leads to the postponement of marriage. Furthermore, the prevalence of misandry in the social environment, the dominance of traditional norms within the family, and economic barriers were considered “contextual conditions. ” The prevalence and persistence of traditional norms in some families narrow the scope for their daughters’ marriage, often rooted in high-tension situations such as domestic violence, poverty, parental divorce, or rigid traditional beliefs. Moreover, the prevalence of misandry in society creates an unfavorable social context where flawed marriage patterns are common, fostering women’s pessimism toward men. The categories of engagement, suppression of needs, and spiritualism were extracted as “Strategies. ” Finally, disruption of social relationships, impairment of individual spirit, and individual and economic success were identified as “consequences. ” The core category of the present research was identified as “celibacy as a female comprehensive challenge. ” 4. Conclusion The ultimate finding of this research is that women resort to academic and occupational activities to fill the vacuum in their lives. However, this action conflicts with the expectations of those around them within a traditional environment, which in turn leads to the experience of a Paradox of reflexivity and reproduction of gender roles. This paradox has transformed singlehood life into a pervasive challenge with economic, social, and psychological dimensions. Amidst comprehensive social changes in a developing Iranian society—where modernity has entered and created economic and social opportunities for women’s participation—daughters are engaging in reflexivity. In this space, they reflect on their situation regarding the possibility of greater freedom, fluidity in social relationships and interactions with the opposite sex, and a preference for economic and social advancements. However, this is only one side of the coin. In a society where traditional culture governs the family and the psyche of a daughter, proportionate to the volume of her gendered socialization as a female, the reproduction of gender stereotypes also remains potent, defining the other side of the singlehood coin. This other side indicates that the dreams and aspirations of youth may not always be desirable. Indeed, singlehood, which doubles the difficulties due to their womanhood, ranges from the social stigmas they encounter to the effort to achieve success as a replacement to compensate for loneliness and lack of social support. It is under these conditions that, in the view of Berzonsky, the “confused identity style” can be deemed appropriate for the status and state of these women. As such, daydreaming about an unknown future leads to feelings of loneliness and regret, making social and economic success the only consolation—a consolation that cannot soothe their weary souls.

This study seeks to understand the narratives of individuals seeking sexual transition regarding their change of sexual identity. The dominant discourse surrounding the issue of gender identity for these individuals has largely been shaped within a medicalized, pathologizing, and individualized framework—a discourse that reduces this experience to the level of psychological disorders and biological abnormalities through personalization. In contrast to this reductive approach, the narrative approach, as one of the emerging critical perspectives in social work interventions, provides an opportunity to reinterpret the experience of gender identity formation within social, cultural, and intersubjective contexts. In this study, the researcher employs a qualitative "thematic analysis" method, using semi-structured interviews with purposive and snowball sampling, to explore the narratives shared by transgender individuals about their process of sexual identity transition. The findings reveal how these individuals distance themselves from religious and theological narratives and gradually become redefined within medical and psychological discourses. They transition from a sinful identity to a sick one and then to deviant. Ultimately, relying on quasi-intellectual interpretations and engaging with dominant social discourses, participants attempt to frame their gender transition as a rational, legitimate, and acceptable narrative while rejecting restrictive counter-narratives. 1. Introdoction In today's world, the issue of sexual identity has emerged as one of the most pressing and widely debated subjects. Discussions surrounding sexual identity change are predominantly framed within biomedical and individual-centered discourses. These dominant perspectives, rooted in the paradigms of biomedicine, psychiatry, and even psychology, conceptualize sexual identity and its alteration primarily through pathological and diagnostic lenses. As such, the issue is often treated as a personal disorder or abnormality to be assessed, diagnosed, and corrected through specialized intervention, thereby detaching it from the broader social and cultural structures that shape it. This research aims to move beyond such reductionist, individual-focused frameworks and instead situates sexual identity within a discursive field shaped by cultural and societal dynamics. The study adopts a critical stance toward pathologizing narratives and focuses on the interpretive power of discourse and narrative in shaping sexual identity. Drawing on narrative therapy—an approach influenced by post-structuralist thought—this research highlights the capacity of social work to challenge dominant norms and open up new interpretive horizons. Narrative therapy offers a theoretical and practical toolset that enables social workers to explore identity construction not as an internal essence, but as a product of discursive relations, social regulation, and power. This study specifically focuses on individuals seeking sexual identity change as a key target group in social work, recognizing their unique experiences with discrimination and social prejudice. Like other minorities, they face structural inequalities in housing, employment, and healthcare, while also confronting various social challenges. The research acknowledges that prevailing understandings of sexual identity change remain confined within individual psychological and biomedical perspectives, neglecting crucial social dimensions. By examining how personal narratives interact with dominant medical, psychological, and religious discourses in Iran, this study seeks to reveal the complex social nature of sexual identity transformation. It particularly investigates how individuals navigate between different frameworks while working to reconstruct their identities within competing narrative systems. Through this lens, the research poses two fundamental questions: What kinds of narratives do individuals seeking sexual identity change construct about themselves and their lives? Which narratives direct or influence their movement toward sexual identity transformation? 2. Methodology This qualitative study employed thematic analysis to explore the identity transformation experiences of individuals seeking sexual transition. Using purposive and snowball sampling, eleven participants with diverse backgrounds (age, assigned sex, education) were selected to ensure rich, varied perspectives. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, allowing participants to freely articulate their experiences while maintaining focus on core research questions. Interviews were administered with flexibility, conducted either face-to-face in environments designed to promote participant comfort and openness. Each session lasted approximately 55 minutes on average. Thematic analysis followed an inductive approach to identify patterns in participants’ accounts, emphasizing depth over frequency. Rigor was ensured through iterative coding, peer debriefing, and member checks, adhering to trustworthiness criteria (credibility, dependability, confirmability, transferability). Ethical considerations included informed consent, confidentiality (using anonymized codes), and minimizing participant distress. Sampling continued until theoretical saturation, with findings organized into key themes reflecting participants’ lived realities. The analysis avoided quantitative frameworks, instead prioritizing contextualized interpretations of sexual identity development. By centering participants’ voices, this methodology captured nuanced, socially embedded understandings of sexual transition beyond biomedical or individualistic paradigms 3. Findings Aligned with its overarching perspective, this study sought to examine how individuals perceive their sexual identity within broader cultural and social frameworks. To this end, it traced participants’ narratives of sexual identity transition from childhood to adulthood, paralleling their developmental stages. Initially, based on their linear recollections of identity formation, many reported internalizing a distinct sexual identity through childhood role-playing activities that contradicted their assigned sex. Essentialist categorizations of toys as "feminine" or "masculine, " along with gendered color associations, served as tools to validate their identity. As they grew older, emerging same-sex desires often evoked guilt and self-stigmatization, framing them as "unforgivable sinners. " Upon joining peer groups and receiving social support, the label shifted from "sinful" to "in need of treatment and care. " With the dominance of medical and psychiatric discourses and their growing presence in social domains, the religious narrative gradually diminishes and aligns with the medical-psychiatric discourse. This transformation of the religious narrative into a clinical one is influenced by the hegemony of these discourses. However, support from institutions—families, friends, governmental bodies, NGOs, social workers, and society at large—was often inconsistent or insufficient. Families, fearing "interfering with God’s will" or social stigma, sometimes obstructed self-actualization, while mothers played dual roles as both facilitators and barriers, inadvertently reinforcing self-isolation as a coping mechanism. Though social workers indirectly aided identity affirmation, they largely operated within the confines of medical and psychiatric discourses. The dominance of these discourses pushed individuals to privatize religious practices and conform to idealized identities. Meanwhile, media and medical narratives acted as disciplinary forces, producing "deviant" identities and perpetuating stigma. Consequently, influenced by the medicalized notion of "treatability, " many pursued sexual transition. Post-transition, participants reported greater societal belonging and self-contentment, yet the struggle to legitimize their identity and combat social marginalization persisted. 4. Conclusion The findings of this study reveal a dynamic, multilayered, and historically situated process in which individuals reconstruct their sexual identity within dominant cultural, religious, and scientific discourses. Utilizing Foucauldian concepts such as power/knowledge and subjectivation, it becomes apparent that identity is neither innate nor a priori, but rather a socially constructed phenomenon shaped through interactions with discursive regimes, professional institutions, and hegemonic narratives. In early stages, individuals experience instability and ambiguity in their sexual identity, rooted in the dissonance between their inner lifeworld and prescribed social gender roles. This duality is typically reinforced through gendered play and social interactions during childhood. As adolescence approaches and sexual desires emerge, religious discourses frame these experiences within concepts of sin, deviance, and shame, pushing individuals toward suppression or denial. However, exposure to alternative discourses such as psychiatric and medical frameworks facilitates a transition from a moralizing paradigm ("sinner") to a pathologizing one ("patient"). While this transition provides opportunities for legitimization, individuals continue to face diagnostic classifications and clinical interventions that reinforce binary norms. The medical model, while bringing social legitimacy, simultaneously introduces new regulatory mechanisms that align with Foucault's analysis of modern power as productive, regulatory, and subject-forming. This study, consistent with the findings of Piper and Mannino (2008) and Hamman (2014), demonstrates how clinical narratives dominate sexual identity construction and reduce gender diversity to diagnosable and treatable conditions. For social workers, these findings emphasize the necessity of moving beyond biomedical frameworks. Adopting a critical and constructivist perspective can assist social workers in empowering clients to shape their identity while simultaneously challenging institutional pathologization. In this journey, redefining the role of social work as a profession capable of challenging dominant discourses becomes essential. Social workers can help clients create alternative identity narratives by providing safe spaces for personal storytelling. This approach not only enables individuals to free themselves from pathologizing labels but also paves the way for changes in social attitudes and institutional policies.

Iran's most important social problems (poverty, unemployment, Inequality, etc. ) can be analyzed with the help of different approach. Hegemonic individualistic-reductionist approach with a set of narrow and psychological explanations (with an emphasis on blaming the individual) have found a dominant position in the field of analyzing Iran's social problems. On the other hand, we can talk about the possibility of creating an alternative and innovative approach. Here we are talking about an analytical conflict field. Therefore, the main problem is: What are the criticisms of reductionist individualistic approach, and what practical and capable alternative can be designed and construct suitable for the analysis of Iran's social problems? In terms of methodology Here we have used the dynamic combination of analytical descriptive methods, secondary analysis and critical. Research findings show that in Iran, the users of individualistic-reductionist approach have focused on the "person" and analyzed social problems with reference to the individual, and on the other hand, they have exonerated trans-individual variables and socio-political structures. Our alternative approach here is to construct a theoretical conceptual of "Milkimian" which is derived from Mills (sociological imagination) and Durkheim (explanation of social reality). The steps of Milkimian approach are: 1. identifying the position as a "social problem" and not an "individual problem", 2. analyzing it in the form of sociological and not psychological expression and 3. Providing social and not psychological solutions. Empirical evidence (secondary analysis of global and domestic data) supports Milkimian approach. Our view of Milkimian in the analysis of social problems is: Adopting a social and trans-individual view, emphasizing the criticism of defective structures, adopting a critical sociological view and exposing the weaknesses of reductionist approach. Extended abstract 1. Introduction In the last few decades and today, issues such as poverty, social inequalities, discrimination, unemployment, job dissatisfaction, class gap and distance, environmental pollution, road accidents, increase in working and street children, indiscriminate migration to metropolises, dropout, job burnout, social despair, etc. have become the most important social issues in Iran, which can be analyzed from different angles and with the help of different theoretical traditions. A theoretical tradition that can be called the reductionist-individualistic approach has put a set of micro-analytic, psychological, and conservative explanations on its agenda in analyzing social problems and has found a hegemonic position in the field of social sciences by emphasizing "blaming the individual. " On the other hand, we can talk about the possibility of proposing an alternative and innovative approach. Here we are talking about an “analytical conflict field”. That is, the issue is basically a kind of confrontation between popular-ideological analyses on the one hand and scientific-specialized social analyses on the other. Therefore, our problematic is how, while adopting a critical lens, we can reveal the analytical incapacity and inherent shortcomings of the reductionist-individualistic approach, and how, through innovative theorizing and sociological conceptualization, we can devise an alternative and appropriate theoretical conceptual construction for analyzing Iran's social problems. In other words, the main problem and focal question of the present study is what criticisms can be made of the reductionist-individualistic approach and what practical and capable alternative can be conceptualized, designed, and constructed to appropriately analyze Iran's social problems? 2. Methodology In terms of research methodology, in the present study, we have used a dynamic combination of three analytical descriptive methods, secondary analysis (data from national and global surveys), and critical method (by to put aside superficial and apparent layers, trying to reach the underlying and hidden layers of social reality). 3. Findings In Iran, a wide range of experts, practitioners, researchers, and various individuals use a reductionist-individualistic approach in analyzing social problems. What they all have in common is that, with their conservative and reductionist approach, they have focused on the "individual" and analyzed social problems with reference to the individual. On the other hand, they have exonerated trans-individual and institutional variables and political and social structures, and have advanced their work by De-responsibility from political, economic, and social structures, as well as the established political and legal order. Our alternative approach here is to construct a theoretical concept of “Milkymie”, which is a constructed and combined concept of Mills + Durkheim. In other words, the Millkymie approach is derived from two legacies left by Mills (sociological imagination) and Durkheim (explanation of social reality). In short, the three steps of the Millkymie approach are: 1. Identify the social situation that has arisen as a “social problem” and not an “individual and personal problem”, 2. Express it in the form of sociological analysis and explanation rather than psychological explanation and 3. Finally, present social and sociological solutions rather than psychological and reductionist solutions. The science of sociology cannot be indifferent to social problems or give the wrong direction with its reductionist analyses. Of course, it should be noted that our emphasis on social institutions and structures does not mean determinism and ignoring the role of individuals and removing agency and eliminating agency from actors. Rather, the fundamental core of the Milkimi approach is that in analyzing problems such as poverty, inequality, income gap, unemployment, school dropout, etc., firstly, we should not see the situation and problem as individual, small and personal and expand the scope of our vision (because many people are affected by it) and secondly, we should not fall into the trap of reductionism and consider the role, share and weight of trans-individual factors and social variables (political-social structures) to be more important and prominent than individual variables (desire, will, motivation, spirit, perseverance, etc. ) And thirdly, the proposed solutions should be social and societal, avoiding psychological and conservative projections. Empirical evidence, such as secondary analysis of data from global surveys and two national surveys, supports Milkemi's theoretical conceptual construction. Global surveys asked about two concepts: "government responsibility to citizens" and "essential indicators of democracy, " and we explained the relationship between these two issues with "social problems" because, firstly: "Considering the role of political and social structures as influential on people's lives" is one of the important foundations of the Milkemi approach, so the state or governance structure is understood as the supreme symbol of political and economic structures. Therefore, the responsibility of the government and the governance structure towards the lives of the people cannot be absolved. Second: We understand democracy as the social and beyond the political. In other words, we have not considered democracy as a limited meaning of participating in elections every four years, and we have integrated the value and very important social justice (on the one hand, collecting taxes from the rich and on the other hand, paying subsidies to the poor) into the concept of democracy, and therefore we have understood democracy not only as a political matter but also as the social. National surveys also analyzed the "factors affecting poverty in the poor" as the most acute social problem. The result is that the majority of Iranians believe that institutional trans-individual, social, and structural factors have caused poverty and destitution among the poor, and a small number have emphasized micro, individual, and non-structural factors. 4. Conclusion Our perspective and attitude as the originator and supporter of the Milkimi approach in analyzing and studying social problems (poverty, inequality, discrimination, unemployment, immigration, etc. ) is: Adopting an institutional, social, and trans-individual perspective, Emphasizing criticism and condemnation of flawed, diseased, and problematic political and social structures, Adopting a critical sociological perspective, and also questioning and challenging the analytical power of individualistic and reductionist approaches in the field of studying Iran's social problems. The Milkemi approach considers most social problems not as natural and inevitable phenomena, but as social products. In our sociological and Milkemi approach, by rejecting the naturalness of social problems, it is possible to recognize, criticize, change, and combat them. We emphasize that this unequal, problematic, and problematic society is the product of unequal structures, unjust, and inhumane relationships, so it must be changed and can be changed.

Demanding is considered to be one of the most important skills of humanity in the modern era in order to realize rights, especially citizenship rights. But this issue often seems unfamiliar to the citizens, and in practice, demands, especially of the effective type, have been placed in parentheses. Therefore, the current research was conducted with the aim of knowing the weakening conditions of demand in Yazd city. In order to achieve this goal, qualitative approach and grounded theory method were used. The data were collected and at the same time analyzed using in-depth interviews with 13 Yazidi women. The process of data collection has continued until reaching theoretical saturation. 20 main categories were created during three stages of open, central and selective coding. The braids show the central phenomenon of "devaluation of demanding" in the sense of finding demand useless in the realization of demands. Based on the results, it can be said that a series of individual, structural conditions and factors based on direct and indirect negative experiences of demanding/answering has led to the devaluation of demanding. In the face of the central phenomenon, three main strategies of cautious-reflexive demanding, boycotting demanding and striving for demanding have been used by the activists. Finally, the consequences of such strategies have included various social, economic, and psychological fields and have fueled the failure in effective demanding and the reduction of demanding. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction In the contemporary era, demanding—as a civic behavior aimed at achieving and protecting citizens’ rights—has gained increasing significance as a measure of democratic vitality and social development. In Iran, however, the practice of active civic demanding remains fragile. Despite the inclusion of citizenship rights in constitutional and policy frameworks, persistent authoritarian tendencies, legal ambiguities, and socio-cultural conservatism have limited the realization of these rights. Yazd, as a traditionally religious and patriarchal city, presents a particularly illustrative case. While women have gained higher education and awareness of their social roles, they continue to encounter gendered restrictions in exercising their rights and voicing demands. Recent social movements, notably the 2022 “Women, Life, Freedom” protests, underscore both growing female awareness and the systemic constraints that inhibit active participation. Against this backdrop, the present study addresses a central question: Under what conditions is women’s civic demanding weakened or suppressed in Yazd? The study fills a significant research gap. Prior works have examined citizenship awareness and participation quantitatively, but few have qualitatively analyzed the lived experiences of women confronting the erosion of their civic voice. This research, therefore, contributes an interpretive, grounded understanding of how social, cultural, and political forces shape women’s engagement in civic demanding. 2. Methodology Adopting a qualitative grounded theory approach, the study seeks to uncover the social processes underlying the weakening of women’s civic demanding. Data were collected in Yazd through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 13 women aged 19–48, representing diverse educational, occupational, and marital backgrounds. Sampling followed the theoretical and maximum variation strategies to capture heterogeneous experiences across generations. Data collection and analysis proceeded simultaneously until theoretical saturation was achieved. Using open, axial, and selective coding in MAXQDA software, 20 main categories were extracted. To ensure validity and reliability, Lincoln and Guba’s four criteria—credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability—were applied. Ethical considerations were strictly followed, including informed consent, anonymity, and secure data handling. 3. Findings Analysis revealed a central phenomenon of “devaluation of demanding”—a pervasive belief that demanding rights is ineffective, costly, or socially inappropriate. This process is sustained by three layers of conditions: Causal Conditions: Lack of legal awareness, unresponsiveness of authorities, and fear of material or non-material repercussions discourage individuals from voicing demands. Contextual Conditions: Deep emotional attachments to family and community, lack of self-confidence, and fear of social judgment (“others as judges”) lead to internalized passivity. Intervening Conditions: Cultural and religious socialization, patriarchal parenting, and dominance of obedience-oriented gender norms restrict assertiveness, particularly among women. Additionally, socio-economic pressures (economic insecurity, consumerism) and political-cultural barriers (media censorship, surveillance, normalization of silence) exacerbate this trend. Collectively, these forces transform demanding into a stigmatized, risky, and often futile act. In reaction to these constraints, women adopt three strategic responses: 1) Cautious-reflexive demanding – moderated and context-aware advocacy, avoiding overt confrontation. 2) Boycotting demanding – withdrawal from public or institutional engagement after repeated failures. 3) Striving for demanding – continued pursuit of rights despite systemic obstacles, often driven by moral duty or social commitment. 4. Conclusion The study illustrates how the erosion of civic demanding among women in Yazd reflects broader dynamics of authoritarian culture, patriarchal norms, and weak institutional responsiveness. These forces collectively generate a psychological and cultural environment in which silence is valorized and resistance is penalized. The findings resonate with theories of recognition (Honneth) and liberal feminism, emphasizing the moral and structural barriers to women’s participation in public life. The “devaluation of demanding” is not merely an individual attitude but a socially reproduced phenomenon embedded in familial upbringing, educational systems, and political institutions. As a result, civic engagement becomes fragmented, and collective voice is replaced by isolated, symbolic gestures. Policy implications point toward the necessity of developing gender-sensitive citizenship education, strengthening institutional accountability, and promoting participatory mechanisms that encourage women’s public expression without fear of retaliation. Creating safe spaces for deliberation and legal literacy initiatives can further counteract the normalization of passivity and restore trust in the effectiveness of civic action. Women’s experiences in Yazd reveal a complex interplay between personal agency and structural constraints. The weakening of demanding behavior is less a reflection of apathy and more a symptom of systemic disempowerment. By highlighting the socio-cultural roots of the devaluation of demanding, this study contributes to both feminist sociology and the sociology of citizenship in Iran. Sustainable progress toward gender equity and civic empowerment depends on fostering a culture of responsiveness, legitimacy, and recognition—where demanding is once again valued as an essential democratic act.

Adriana Scribano's book «The Sociology of Hope: A New Theory» (2025) examines the sociology of hope and proposes a new fundamental theory of hope, taking into account the classical theoretical traditions of sociology, the perspective of the founding women of the field, and also reconstructing the contributions of theories of revolution, utopia, social change, and collective action. In this book, by introducing the main elements of the sociological view of hope, Scribano attempts to provide, from a critical perspective, theoretical and methodological tools for understanding and changing the social world. Throughout the various chapters, she attempts to develop a theoretical structure that allows the reader to understand how the sociology of hope is a science of life. He also presents the main theoretical and epistemological elements for establishing the connection between ethics, aesthetics, the politics of knowledge and their current profound changes in the study of society, and concludes the book with an ontological, theoretical, and epistemological proposal for the development of a sociology of hope.