Social Welfare
Year:2017 | Volume:17 | Issue:66 |Papers Count:8

Introduction: The theory of Aanomie has two principal theorists; the first is Durkheim, the founder of this theory and second is Merton whothat extends and systematizes the theory. However, these theories have fundamental differences that are ignored because of hegemony of Merton’ s theory on sociological researches. What is known as anomie theory in sociology and sociology of deviances is theory of Merton mainly. This studypaper aimed to explain and contrasts the anomie theory of Durkheim and Merton, iIn particular to explore their differences. This is important due to false interpretations of these theories. and ignorance their differences in academic resources and social researches on anomie. In addition to the theoretical aspect, due tobecause of anomic situation in Iran, particularly in the last decade about whichthat many experts have consensus about it, this study has application importance as well. and numerous researches that use theoretical framework of anomie theory, this study is necessary and useful. Finally the ways of measurement of anomie areis discussed. Critical review: The results of this study showed that between Durkheim and Merton anomie theory, from the point of view of the amount of emphasis on the aspirations, goals and means of achieving them, the importance of time and speed of change, anthropology and the origin of aspirations and desires, the emphasis on moral base rather than behavioral norms of order, the effects of social classes on anomie and extend and inclusiveness of explanation there is a difference. . The findings of this study show many important differences between theory of Durkheim and Merton; including different emphasis on goals and aspirations and means that is required to reach them, periods of time and speed of change, human nature and origins of aspirations and desires, emphasis on moral base vs behavioral norms of order, relationship of class with anomie, and the extend and inclusiveness of explanation. While anomie for Durkheim is defined by unlimited aspirations, from Mertonian perspective, anomie is the lacks of legitimate means offor achieveing limited or even prescribed aspirations. Periods of time and speed of change areis an important and determinant factor for Durkheim, but Merton has no attention to theseis factors. Durkheim pays attention to both acute anomie and chronic anomie, but Merton only studiesd the chronic anomie and for this reason, speed of change was no matter of importance in his theory. Durkheim emphasis on economic crises-boom or bust-and its social and moral consequences. Economic crises are roots of acute anomie. From Durkheimian perspective, anomie occur after economic crises (boom or bust); but Merton completely eliminates the issue of economic crisis. For Merton, unlike to Durkheim, ambition is not infrom the nature of human but is influenced by culture. Durkheim attends to the moral base of order, but versus Merton attends to the normative base of itsocial order. InFor Durkheim’ s opinion, higher classes are more exposed to anomie and its consequences like suicide., However, but Merton believesf that achieving goals and aspirations the opportunity of success is not equal for all, and the lower class is more exposed to strain.; Tthus, › this class is more likely to commit crimes or other nonconformity behaviors. From Durkheimian’ s perspective, anomic situation can explain only a part of social problems and social deviances, but the theory of Merton triesy to explain the wider range of deviances. In explanation of differences of anomie theory of Durkheim with anomie theory of Merton, differences in level of development of their societies is emphasized. French society in era of Durkheim was more traditional than to American society in era of Merton. In this French society ambitions and having high aspirations were not normal and condemned. While in American society these aspirations not only prescribed but also encouraged. In the field of anomic researches, anomie is measured in two main ways; the first, by anomie scales and second by measuring of aspirations and the probability of attainment to them. So, the findings of researches in anomic area not comparable. In none of these methods, there is not same procedure, same statement and same questions. So, findings even in each of these two main ways of measurement of anomie aren’ t comparable. Because of this situation, knowledge in area of anomie is less progressive and less cumulative. Discussion: Although Merton’ s theory of anomie is known as an extensiond of Durkheim’ s theory of anomie, but there are important differences between them. Sometimes these differences can guide researches into different ways (such as effects of classes). like the different assumption between these theories about effects of social class on anomie and different emphasis of these theories on aspirations/goals and means). Each of these theories has distinct capabilities. By understanding of these capabilities, it is possible to better use them. For example, unlike Merton, Durkheim has special emphasis on the changes and crises particularly economic crises. With regard to economic crises of Iran during the last decade, the theory of Durkheim is more applicable to explain the situation of Iran. and it is possible to use the capacity of this theory to analyze these situations. In explanation of anomie situation, Durkheim emphasis on aspirations while Merton emphasis on means and ways to attainment these aspirations and goals. So we can conclude that in rapid social and economic changes, that it is more probable that aspirations arise and social regulations disrupted, theory of Durkheim is more applicable and appropriate. Differences between these theories and their ambiguities resulted in different definitions, and meanings and measurement of anomie. The result of this study showed thats, because of differences in approaches a single can’ t reach to same definition and same measurement cannot be reached, thus each approaches according to its assumptions should have its own measurement according to its assumptions.

introduction: In many countries of the world, women› s achievement in entering the universities and joining the scientific community has reached up to 50% of the faculty members and almost 20-30% of the full professorship› s rank. In Iran, based on existing data, women constitute 15. 8 percent of the full time faculty members with Ph. D. at the universities associated with the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology, of which only 3. 8 percent have attained the rank of full professors and only 5. 8 percent of total full professors of the country. A share which is much less than those of male faculty members and women in other countries. Method: The present article› s objective is to provide some knowledge on the reasons for such a small share of female professors in comparison to male professors and understanding of facilitating factors as well as obstacles to their progress towards highest scientific rank at the universities. Research method is qualitative-phenomenology and aims at reporting experiences of women who have achieved the rank and those who have not been able to do so. Findings: The narrations of the experiences showed the importance of educational activities for female faculty members in contrast to higher importance of research and international cooperation in promotion regulations of the ministry. In addition, factors such as, difficulties in receiving research funds due to cultural factors, women› s absence in informal networks among male faculty members and promotion commissions and finally women› s caring responsibilities in the family, have impacted the share of women among full professors. Discussion: Although cultural reforms is not the sole responsibility of the universities, but legal and moral duties of scientific institutions for any reforms at the academic sphere and regulations should not be ignored. It seems the most suitable and easiest way to achieve the goal of female faculty members› promotion to a professorship, is changing the present regulations rather than expecting women to adjust themselves to existing rules; which have been historically developed based on their male counterparts› needs and perspectives.

Introduction: The planning system in Iran is influenced by the ruling political and social discourses, and that what place such discourses hold for subjects and categories is represented in development programs. Among the very important subjects is the subject of “ women” . According to the meaning and identity the subject of women has in the discourse of the executive states of the development, the signifier of “ gender equity” is either considered to be the same as in the planning system or is left idle. Hence, it is the attention or inattention of the development programs to the gender equity that could lead to its establishment or continuation of gender inequity. Method: Using the discourse analysis of Luclau and Mouffe, the representation of discursive conflicts of gender equity in the Development plans was investigated. Findings: Development plans after the revolution, in terms of paying attention to the subject of women, have been by the ongoing discursive conflicts in the political arena. The analyses showed that in the first and second programs, educational justice and the imminent implication of health equity have been taken into consideration. The signs of “ increase of occupation chances for women and their occupational promotion” , “ paying attention to gender combination of labor force supply” , “ promotion of women’ s occupational skills” by referring to signified of “ economic equity” ; and the signs of “ essential reforms in legal affairs” , “ facilitating the legal and judicial affairs of women” , “ legal services” , “ protecting the women rights” , “ reviewing the rules and regulations” and “ legal preparation for removing violence against women” , organize the semantic system of “ legal equity” in the reforming discourse. The “ Planning for a Health Promotion and Lifestyle Health Education Program” statement is an inadequate indication of health equity and “ access to equal educational opportunities ” is a representation of “ educational equity” which the discourse of political development has included it in the third and fourth programs. In the fifth program of development, the signs of “ promotion of women’ s health” and “ establishment of the House of Health for girls and women” are taken into consideration as “ hygiene equity” . Although “ development and the organization of economic-subsistence affairs” represents the “ economic equity” , since it emphasizes the female-headed women and the household occupations, it doesn’ t contain the whole sense of economic equity. The statements of “ supply of the required trainings appropriate to the role of boys and girls” and “ guaranteeing the access to equal training opportunities appropriate to gender” refers to the signified educational equity and cover its sense totally. Also, the discourse analysis of gender equity in the sixth program of development indicates that the discourse ruling the sixth program of development is formed with pivotal signs of “ gender equity” and with the signified “ occupational chances” , “ health & hygiene” , “ literacy of women” , “ reform of legal system” (in the family domine) and “ participation in decision-making and decision-taking” (not the opportunity of political equality). These semantic signs contain economic equity, hygiene equity, educational equity, the imperfect implication of legal equity and inadequate political equity. Discussion: Regarding the findings, it can be said that gender equity is one of the semantic signs of discourses of reform and moderation, with the conception of equality as analogy. . Hence, the gender sensitivity of the third, fourth and six programs of development should be considered, as if the structural limitations have exposed them to enmities and the critics of the rival discourses which prevents the programs from a complete implementation.

Introduction: In the recent century, urbanization ratio has increased four times in Iran and now three quarters of the population lives in urban areas. Rapid urban transition of Iran is associated with an increase in differentiation and inequality not only among cities, but also within cities and among urban districts. Thus, one of the key features of Tehran metropolis is regional and spatial inequality. In this regard, the main aim of this study is to investigate the extent and patterns of spatial inequality using the socio-economic index in 22 districts of Tehran. Method: The study was designed in the developmental leveling framework and descriptive-analytical as research method was applied. Multiple criteria decision making (MCDM) procedure was used to measure the development of the districts. TOPSIS and factor analysis as technical methods and 16 social-economic indicators from 2011 census data were used. Findings: Results indicated the highest degree of development belong to region 3 and the lowest belong to district 17 of Tehran. The highest score of development, respectively, for the 3, 1, 2, 6 and 5 districts and the lowest one for the districts of 17, 19, 18, 15, 16 and 20, respectively, were found. The Results of TOPSIS and factor analysis techniques in measuring and ranking of the 22 districts of Tehran based on socio-economic development index were almost similar with a very high positive correlation (0. 99). Using cluster analysis, we classified the 22 districts of Tehran into five groups in terms of socio-economic development levels; four districts including 3, 1, 2 and 6 were grouped as developed areas. The districts of 5 and 7 were relatively developed areas. Six districts of 4, 8, 22, 13, 21, and 11 were categorized as areas with moderate development level. Five districts (10, 14, 9, 12 and 20) were in the less developed group. Finally, the five districts including 16, 15, 18, 19 and 17 were classified as underdeveloped (very poor) areas in Tehran. Discussion: Results indicated that there are significant differences between urban districts of Tehran city in terms of the socio-economic development index. Underdeveloped and less developed regions are located in the south and southeast of Tehran city; moderate and relatively developed areas are found in the central and west parts of Tehran; finally, developed (rich) areas are located in the northern half of the Tehran city. In general, spatial inequality in various aspects of development is the distinguishing feature of Tehran metropolis and also, urban spatial inequality is a key driver of urban unsustainable development

Introduction: In economics, politics and planning literature, many reasons are mentioned for accentuating the necessity and importance of public sector and planning: compensating for external effects, provision of public goods, reducing transaction costs, etc. However, if we wanted to name one core final goal for public sector and planning, that would be the increase in people’ s quality of life. That is the reason why there has been so much attention to the concept of quality of life since 1970s in different fields form medical sciences to economics and urban planning. On the other hand, one of the topics often discussed when taking into account the difference in the level of development of countries in the world, is the concept of governance. Due to the influential and important role of these two concepts (quality of life and governance), and the influence of national conditions on local conditions, this article tries to study the relationship between these two concepts. Method: The data used for achieving the study’ s objective, via secondary qualitative analysis, were extracted from 1) Numbeo database on “ Quality of Life in cities” throughout the world (150 cities) and 2) “ World Governance Indicators” which is one of the publications of the World Bank Institute and includes six indicators of “ control of corruption” , “ government effectiveness” , “ regulatory quality” , “ political stability and lack of violence/terror” and “ possibility of protest and accountability” for evaluation of governance quality of countries (72 countries). For measuring the relation Stepwise regression analysis was applied using cross-sectional data (2015). To resolve the multiple linearity problem between independent variables” collinear variables elimination” and “ variable integration” were used. The method of eliminating the correlated variables led to the elimination of three variables: corruption control, government effectiveness and regulatory quality, and regression analysis was performed using the remaining three variables. Findings: Stepwise regression analysis, after eliminating the variables, showed that only rule of law variable had a significant influence on urban quality of life in the world, by explaining 67. 8% of its variance. Aggregation of six world governance indicators resulted to just one predicting variable, which was named “ governance quality” , and can explain 68. 1% of the variance of urban quality of life. In fact, the results of the study showed a significant and positive effect of the quality of national governance on the quality of urban life and pointed out that one of the influential factors on quality of urban life is the quality of national governance. Discussion: from the results of the study it can be concluded that if decision makers and officials in national or local roles would like to improve the quality of life of citizens, they should increase the quality of the governance in countries and cities. Among the variables of the governance, the variable which showed the most correlation with urban quality life was the rule of law. Since legal mechanisms in Iran, is mostly defined in national contexts, this result is another testament for the importance of decisions and the structure of handling the national affairs on urban quality of life. The results affirmed that national governance quality has a positive and significant relation to urban quality of life and showed that one of important and influential factors in urban quality of life is national governance quality. It also showed that rule of law is the most influential governance variable on urban quality of life, which can explain about two-thirds of its variance. Therefore, it can be inferred that for decision makers and officials in national or local roles to increase urban quality of life, one appropriate way to do that is by increasing the national (and also urban) quality of governance as a whole. However, if there were a lack of resources and possibilities to increase governance as a whole, the one governance quality that can have the most influence on urban quality of life would be the rule of law. So devising policies, strategies and activities that increase rule of law in any country, can lead to an increase in urban quality of life. Since legal mechanisms in Iran, is mostly defined in national contexts, this result is another testament for the importance of national circumstances on urban quality of life.

Introduction: Quality of life has always been a key concept and humans sought to find the factors and methods that would guide him towards a good life. According to a NUMBEO report, in 2015, regarding the quality of life index, Tehran rank was 106 compared to other cities from 113 countries. This rank indicates a low quality of life in Iran. Quality of life is a dynamic concept and changes over time. The evaluation of this concept illustrates the state of human development in a society. Therefore, a continuous examination of the quality of life is essential. In this study, we try to examine the effect of socioeconomic factors affecting the quality of life of citizens of Tehran. Therefore, variables such as social support, feeling of relative deprivation, social happiness and socioeconomic status were considered as independent variables. Method: The present study was of descriptive– casual type. The research method was survey. Statistical population included all the resident families in Tehran in 2015. The data were collected by questionnaires and interviews, the survey was carried out among 420 people in three regions of north, south and center of Tehran (140 samples per region). . To measure the quality of life, the Global Quality of Life Questionnaire was used. Data were analyzed by SPSS software. The tests used to analyze the findings included Pearson correlation test, regression test, path analysis and model review. Findings: The age average of respondents was young. More than half of the respondents had a moderate quality of life. In the mental dimension of quality of life, one of the most important results was that more than half of the respondents needed medical treatment for their daily activities. In the objective dimension of quality of life, most respondents assessed the health of their surroundings low. Most of the respondents had low social support, a moderate feeling of relative deprivation, moderate social happiness, and moderate social economic status. Research findings suggest that social happiness, social support, feeling of relative deprivation and socio-economic status variables effect on more than half of the quality of life changes. Social happiness has the greatest impact on quality of life. Discussion: The social happiness variable is influenced by the feeling of relative deprivation and social support, and the social economic status variable is also influenced by the feeling of relative deprivation. The variables affecting quality of life, respectively, with the highest impact, are: social happiness, relative deprivation, and socioeconomic status. Therefore, it can be said that the proper quality of life is created by the feeling of happiness, the lower feeling of relative deprivation, the higher socioeconomic status and the support that a person receives from his family, friends and acquaintances. Regarding the effectiveness of independent variables (social happiness, the feeling of relative deprivation, economic and social status and social support) in increasing the quality of life of citizens of Tehran, with high explanatory factors and the relationship of independent variables together, addressing all of them requires deep attention and review which should be at the top of social and economic programs of the community. Since Tehran as a metropolis has a large population, the findings of this research can be partially generalized to other metropolises of our country. Thus, the results of the research, which emphasize on two social and economic dimensions, will improve the conditions of the community and improve the quality of life of the people.

Introduction: It is of great importance to study the relationship between social phenomena and concepts. One of the most important social concepts in recent century is the social identity. Social identity is the result of the interaction among human beings which is affected by many factors. Ties, formal and informal networks, norms and trusts among individuals and in general social capitals have a significant role in forming the social identity. The relationship between the dimensions of social capital and some types of social identity (ethnic, national, and religious) is the subject of this study by using Giddens’ s views on social identities, Kelman and Putnam’ s view on social capital. . Method: This research was a quantitative approach using questionnaires among 381 citizens in Rasht which were chosen through multistage cluster sampling technique. Findings: findings showed that among men, the average of ethnic and national identity and among women, in comparison to men, religious identity was higher. Between single and married people, later had a higher ratio of ethnic, national and religious identity. National identity for retired people was higher in comparison to soldiers, students and unemployed individuals. Religious identity for housewives is higher and among soldiers, unemployed people and students is lower. Discussion: It can be said that the dimensions of social capital have the greatest impact respectively on religious identity, ethnic identity and national identity and improve these identities. The relationship which Colman emphasized on it as well. Among the dimensions of social capital “ trust” has the greatest impact. The lowest impact on different types of social identities is dedicated to official networks.

Introduction: Managing and dealing with the risks of the economic activity, income security in retirement period and job security are one of the most important requirements for absorbing labor force in agricultural and rural activities. Although the social insurance fund has been established for more than a decade for farmers, villagers and nomads, only a few percent of considered goal mentioned is achieved in noteClause 2, aArticle 3, ofin the structure of the comprehensive welfare and social security law rule that has wasbeen confirmed in 1383 has been achieved., and Aalso, a remarkable part of the people couldn’ t use these services. Based on this nNote, the government was obliged within two years from the date of notification of this law to cover fFarmers, villagers, and nomads under insurance. It seems that the social insurance fund for farmers, villagers, and nomads has faced many challenges in attracting maximum participation. In this regard, the current qualitative study has analyzed the obstacles challengingfacing the development of social insurance in Kermanshah and finally provided some solutions for them. Method: Current qualitative research, studies the obstacles facing the development of social insurance among farmers, villagers, and nomads in Kermanshah city using by Grounded theory in Kermanshah city. The studied population was chosen among fund brokers and rural people by theoretical and purposive sampling in Kermanshah city. In order to collect data, semi-structured interviews were used. Validity and reliability of data were approved by using triangulation and participants’ feedback. Findings: Findings showed that the main obstacles in developing social insurance were organized in 5 categories. These categories are: “ structural constraints” , “ administrative barriers” , “ economic constraints” , “ socio-cultural barriers” and “ motivational barriers” . Discussion: The results indicated that structural barriers were recognized as the main obstacle to the development of social insurance among farmers, villagers, and nomads. This problem was obtained from concepts such as criterion weaknesses, poor organization of the rural labor force and inadequate coverage of rural and nomadic services.