PAZHOHESH-HA-YE BASTANSHENASI IRAN
Year:2019 | Volume:9 | Issue:22 |Papers Count:12

An example of a landscape The explicit relationship between man and himself and the world around him throughout history, what is happening today in our environment is nothing but a relationship between the natural environment and its people over time, and this relationship leads to an understanding of all the events which occur in the environment. The ancient landscape is a natural habitat in human societies that has evolved over time through human activities. A landscape that is the result of the combination of human activities and the nature, and these landscapes represent the evolution of human societies over time as created by physical deterrents, features of the natural environment, and internal and external cultural, social and economic factors. They embody a variety of interactions between man and the natural environment, including the geographic region associated with a particular person or activity or a historical event, so that it expresses a balanced relationship between culture and nature. In this article, the main issue is how to read archaeological landscapes. The goal is to achieve landscape reading techniques, which require explanation of concepts and methodology, using theoretical and empirical work. Hence, it is the observation and understanding of past cultural influences in the evolution of the territory and adaptation of the groups that lived there. In essence, this cultural evolution is considered in understanding of some of the elements, which are the result of changes in cultural groups related to the environment and its impact on the landscape. The most important question is how to read these landscapes and how can we, by analyzing the structure of the ecological and perceptual layers, find a way to rebuild and ultimately read archaeological landscapes? Based on this hierarchy, the correct way of recognizing landscape values, identifying and exploring the components of the landscape, identifying the priorities and examining the connections between them, taking into account the ancient region and its surroundings as a coherent whole, attention to environmental components such as vegetation, animal wildlife, human beings elements, their local community and their activities, Together with the recognition of perceptual layers (the use of senses), as well as the analysis of components, taking into account a homogeneous whole, etc., should be considered according to place and time. Introduction By expanding the concept of cultural landscape and the value of ancient sites as part of archaeological landscapes, the need for studying and describing the landscape, its recognition and scientific analysis, is felt in order to achieve ecological-natural integrity. The basis of this hierarchy: proper recognition of landscape values, identification and review of constituting components of the landscape, identification of priorities and study of their connections, consideration of the ancient region and its environment as a coherent whole, consideration of environmental components such as vegetation, animal wildlife, human-made elements, local community and their activities, component analysis, taking into account a homogeneous whole, and. . . according to place and time. Henceforth, archaeological landscape reading deals with the collection of first-hand information and data that involves the extraction of ecological and perceptual layers in time and place, as well as archival, library, and etc. data. Considering the recognition and analysis of archeological landscape based on the extraction of the above layers, the study of secondary information such as upstream projects, landscapes and laws, policies, statistics and trends in the development of historic sites and. . . is done over time. Conclusion Wherever we are, we can understand the impact of human development on a natural landscape, less, more or more severely. We should not ignore the role and importance of man in the landscape, millions of people of different ages at different times and places are cooperating to create landscapes. At any time, the landscape can be considered as a complex system of dynamic and evolving interactions that the archaeologist can seek to understand. In this paper, an attempt was made to explore archaeological landscape reading based on available resources according to various specializations, taking into account short, medium and long term periods as well as spatial and temporal searches, the feasibility of fluctuations (biomass environmental changes and human adaptations over time, etc. ). In this reading, human interaction with the environment was carried out through the collection of data and information at various levels (environment, geology, architectural remnants, artifacts, etc. ), but in order to extract maximum cultural information these data should be gathered based on the environment in which it was established. Therefore, in order to understand the cultural evolution of a landscape, it is important to recognize the elements in the context. It is important to examine the natural and cultural characteristics of each region in order to be able, as far as possible, to understand the ways and means of thinking of the people living there. In the end, landscape archeology is a comprehensive approach to landscape and understanding of the evolution of people who live and still live in it.

Technical and analytical studies on archaeological and cultural materials is one of the interesting subjects of the modern archaeological research studies leading to consideration of scientists to find new information about the old technologies and material culture. One of the important cultural and archaeological materials considered by the material scientists and archaeological science scholars are ceramics, especially pottery production in the different periods. In this paper, potteries excavated from the Deh Dumen Bronze Age graveyard (Third millennium BC) located at southwestern Iran were studied by using chemical and petrographic analytical techniques, with the aim to characterize their chemical composition and microstructure and to identify the pottery manufacturing process in this region. For this purpose, twenty-four samples from broken pottery vases were selected among those obtained from the different graves of the site, and were analyzed by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and polarized optical microscopy (POM) methods. The results of XRF analysis showed that the samples can be classified in two main groups: Ca-rich (or calcareous) and Ca-poor (or non-calcareous) potteries. Furthermore, Al2O3 and Fe2O3 were detected as the main components of samples. On the other hand, the pottery samples present two different structure types: bright and sandwich-like structures. POM examination of the potteries revealed a fine-grained clay matrix with quartz and feldspars fragments as temper. Numerous small and large particles of calcite grains as well as clay pellets are scattered in the matrix of the potteries. Based on these results, it is proved that a large part of the potteries of the Deh Dumen site had been produced by a local and simple pottery manufacturing technique that led to the formation of sandwich-like structure and contained large and small calcitic and clayey inclusions in a large number of potteries. On the other hand, potteries with different microstructures might have been imported form neighbor regions. Introduction The history of pottery production in the Iranian Plateau goes back to about 10000 years ago and shows the importance of this craft in the development of technology within this region during the prehistoric time. The study of potteries as most found materials in the archaeological excavations has been an interesting subject for archaeologists and scientists, as it enables identifying ancient technology in the old world. Nevertheless, even if some study has been performed on archaeological potteries excavated in Iran, it is necessary to develop analytical studies to better characterize the pottery production in this region. The Bronze Age graveyard of Deh Dumen is located in southwestern Iran on mountain slopes about 100 m south-west of Deh Dumen village, a suburb of Dena Township, and about 70 km north-west of the city of Yasuj, the capital of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province. In the 2013’ s archaeological excavations, a 20 × 30 m trench was excavated, revealing 15 large graves built with stones. Many objects were placed in the graves close to skeletons. They included different styles of pottery, also different metallic artefacts such as vessels and weapons, as well as stone vessels and arrowheads. Most of the potteries from the graves have a red to brown slipped fabric and includes jars with impressed decorative bands on the body and base, as well as jars with parallel grooved and jagged decorations on the body. The pottery styles of the Deh Dumen are similar to the Bronze Age of Luristan as well as Susa D. To characterize procedure of production in the Deh Dumen potteries, an analytical study including chemical and microstructural analyses was carried out. Twenty-four samples were selected from the broken vases including 8 samples with bright yellow fabric and 16 samples with different fabric including orange-red surface layer and black core. The chemical composition of samples was determined by means of X-ray fluorescence (XRF) by using a PANalytical PERL’ X 3 X-ray analyzer. In addition, to determine the petrography of potteries, a thin section was prepared from each sample and was observed by polarized optical microscopy method (POM) by using a Zeiss Primotech microscope. Identified Traces Results of XRF analysis of potteries revealed that SiO2 is the main component and CaO is a variable constituent in the composition of samples. In fact, the Deh Dumen potteries can be classified as calcareous (or Ca-rich) and non-calcareous (or Ca-poor). Al2O3 and Fe2O3 are other main constituents in the composition of potteries. The analyzed samples show similar chemical composition, with different contents in CaO, which can be considered as the only variable constituent in the Deh Dumen potteries. There is no correlation between CaO amount and the appearance classification of the samples (bright or sandwich-like core), Ca-rich potteries are observed in yellow and sandwich-like pottery groups. Microstructure of samples presents a very fine-grained clayey matrix in which fine particles of quartz and feldspars are scattered. On the other hand, small and large particles of calcite (limestone particles) with sharp edges are visible in the microstructure of samples showing that they have been added to pottery paste deliberately, probably by powdering the local limestone and use the powder as filler. Furthermore, clay pellets are visible in the matrix of samples in different sizes. The calcitic and clayey inclusions are more visible in the bright (yellow) core group of potteries. In the second group (sandwich-like structure) it is visible that the matrix near the surface is orange-red in color while in inside of the samples is darker, and black in some cases. This could be due to presence of organic materials in the structure of potteries (such as plant as filler) and incomplete oxidation atmosphere in the kiln may have led to formation of sandwich-like or black core structure in more potteries of the Deh Dumen site. Finally, presence of unaltered, not decomposed, calcite and clay particles and the structure of samples suggest that the heating temperature of the potteries can be estimated lower than 800 ° C. Conclusion Analytical studies on several potteries from the Bronze Age graveyard of Deh Dumen, southwestern Iran, showed that they were manufactured using a simple method, consisting in using local clayey materials with significant amount of quartz, limestone powder as well as plant as filler, heated in a kiln under an incomplete oxidizing atmosphere, which led to a sandwich-like structure. Of course, there are some potteries that are different to others, namely potteries with a yellow structure (bright) and a fine clayey matrix with small quartz and silicate phases scattered in the matrix. These samples have very small calcitic particles and inclusions and no evidence of sandwich-like structure is visible. Based on the analytical results, it can be concluded that the Deh Dumen potteries can be divided into locally produced and possibly imported objects, the latter group probably proceeding from southwestern Iran such as the Susiana plain. The results of this preliminary analytical study revealed some aspects of pottery production in southwestern Iran during the Bronze Age. Technical and analytical studies on archaeological and cultural materials is one of the interesting subjects of the modern archaeological research studies leading to consideration of scientists to find new information about the old technologies and material culture. One of the important cultural and archaeological materials considered by the material scientists and archaeological science scholars are ceramics, especially pottery production in the different periods. In this paper, potteries excavated from the Deh Dumen Bronze Age graveyard (Third millennium BC) located at southwestern Iran were studied by using chemical and petrographic analytical techniques, with the aim to characterize their chemical composition and microstructure and to identify the pottery manufacturing process in this region. For this purpose, twenty-four samples from broken pottery vases were selected among those obtained from the different graves of the site, and were analyzed by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and polarized optical microscopy (POM) methods. The results of XRF analysis showed that the samples can be classified in two main groups: Ca-rich (or calcareous) and Ca-poor (or non-calcareous) potteries. Furthermore, Al2O3 and Fe2O3 were detected as the main components of samples. On the other hand, the pottery samples present two different structure types: bright and sandwich-like structures. POM examination of the potteries revealed a fine-grained clay matrix with quartz and feldspars fragments as temper. Numerous small and large particles of calcite grains as well as clay pellets are scattered in the matrix of the potteries. Based on these results, it is proved that a large part of the potteries of the Deh Dumen site had been produced by a local and simple pottery manufacturing technique that led to the formation of sandwich-like structure and contained large and small calcitic and clayey inclusions in a large number of potteries. On the other hand, potteries with different microstructures might have been imported form neighbor regions. Introduction The history of pottery production in the Iranian Plateau goes back to about 10000 years ago and shows the importance of this craft in the development of technology within this region during the prehistoric time. The study of potteries as most found materials in the archaeological excavations has been an interesting subject for archaeologists and scientists, as it enables identifying ancient technology in the old world. Nevertheless, even if some study has been performed on archaeological potteries excavated in Iran, it is necessary to develop analytical studies to better characterize the pottery production in this region. The Bronze Age graveyard of Deh Dumen is located in southwestern Iran on mountain slopes about 100 m south-west of Deh Dumen village, a suburb of Dena Township, and about 70 km north-west of the city of Yasuj, the capital of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province. In the 2013’ s archaeological excavations, a 20 × 30 m trench was excavated, revealing 15 large graves built with stones. Many objects were placed in the graves close to skeletons. They included different styles of pottery, also different metallic artefacts such as vessels and weapons, as well as stone vessels and arrowheads. Most of the potteries from the graves have a red to brown slipped fabric and includes jars with impressed decorative bands on the body and base, as well as jars with parallel grooved and jagged decorations on the body. The pottery styles of the Deh Dumen are similar to the Bronze Age of Luristan as well as Susa D. To characterize procedure of production in the Deh Dumen potteries, an analytical study including chemical and microstructural analyses was carried out. Twenty-four samples were selected from the broken vases including 8 samples with bright yellow fabric and 16 samples with different fabric including orange-red surface layer and black core. The chemical composition of samples was determined by means of X-ray fluorescence (XRF) by using a PANalytical PERL’ X 3 X-ray analyzer. In addition, to determine the petrography of potteries, a thin section was prepared from each sample and was observed by polarized optical microscopy method (POM) by using a Zeiss Primotech microscope. Identified Traces Results of XRF analysis of potteries revealed that SiO2 is the main component and CaO is a variable constituent in the composition of samples. In fact, the Deh Dumen potteries can be classified as calcareous (or Ca-rich) and non-calcareous (or Ca-poor). Al2O3 and Fe2O3 are other main constituents in the composition of potteries. The analyzed samples show similar chemical composition, with different contents in CaO, which can be considered as the only variable constituent in the Deh Dumen potteries. There is no correlation between CaO amount and the appearance classification of the samples (bright or sandwich-like core), Ca-rich potteries are observed in yellow and sandwich-like pottery groups. Microstructure of samples presents a very fine-grained clayey matrix in which fine particles of quartz and feldspars are scattered. On the other hand, small and large particles of calcite (limestone particles) with sharp edges are visible in the microstructure of samples showing that they have been added to pottery paste deliberately, probably by powdering the local limestone and use the powder as filler. Furthermore, clay pellets are visible in the matrix of samples in different sizes. The calcitic and clayey inclusions are more visible in the bright (yellow) core group of potteries. In the second group (sandwich-like structure) it is visible that the matrix near the surface is orange-red in color while in inside of the samples is darker, and black in some cases. This could be due to presence of organic materials in the structure of potteries (such as plant as filler) and incomplete oxidation atmosphere in the kiln may have led to formation of sandwich-like or black core structure in more potteries of the Deh Dumen site. Finally, presence of unaltered, not decomposed, calcite and clay particles and the structure of samples suggest that the heating temperature of the potteries can be estimated lower than 800 ° C. Conclusion Analytical studies on several potteries from the Bronze Age graveyard of Deh Dumen, southwestern Iran, showed that they were manufactured using a simple method, consisting in using local clayey materials with significant amount of quartz, limestone powder as well as plant as filler, heated in a kiln under an incomplete oxidizing atmosphere, which led to a sandwich-like structure. Of course, there are some potteries that are different to others, namely potteries with a yellow structure (bright) and a fine clayey matrix with small quartz and silicate phases scattered in the matrix. These samples have very small calcitic particles and inclusions and no evidence of sandwich-like structure is visible. Based on the analytical results, it can be concluded that the Deh Dumen potteries can be divided into locally produced and possibly imported objects, the latter group probably proceeding from southwestern Iran such as the Susiana plain. The results of this preliminary analytical study revealed some aspects of pottery production in southwestern Iran during the Bronze Age.

With the expansion of the Kura-Aras culture in the late fourth millennium, and especially the third millennium BCE, a large portion of Northwestern Iran and Eastern Anatolia came under the domination of this culture. The exact nature of cultural communication and interaction between these two regions, especially in the third millennium BCE, has not been thoroughly investigated. With new archaeological excavations in recent years in both these regions, valuable data have become available for archaeologists to compare cultural materials from both these regions. Still, data on Kura-Aras culture in Northwestern Iran are mostly compared with sites in South Caucasus, which is known as this culture’ s homeland. This comparative study attempts to compare cultural materials obtained from Kura-Aras cultural sites in the northwest of Iran, especially pottery and architecture that are the main features of Kura-Aras culture, with data from Eastern Anatolia Because of its proximity to the Caucasian lands, Eastern Anatolia, especially its northern part, constitute some of the first areas subjected to the expansion of Kura-Aras culture. Accordingly, the main research question in this study is what are the similarities and differences between materials belonging to a similar culture (Kura-Aras) from two different geographic regions. The results indicate that although the similarities between the cultural materials from Eastern Anatolia and Northwestern Iran prior to the formation of the Kura-Aras culture is based on the spatial distribution of lesser-known pottery, known as “ Chaff Faced Ware” , these similarities reach the highest point in the Early Bronze Age, coinciding with the expansion of Kura-Aras culture in both Northwest Iran and East Anatolia. On the other hand, despite the remarkable similarities between the cultural materials related to the Kura-Aras culture in all areas under the influence of this culture, there are still regional differences, for the instance in architecture, that call for close attention. Introduction Communication and cultural interactions between North-Western Iran and Eastern Anatolia at the third millennium and the end of the fourth millennium BC have not been studied and clarified well, although both regions were among the main centers for the development of the Kura– Araxes culture during the third millennium and the end of the fourth millennium BC. Concurrent with the expansion of the Kura– Araxes culture in the South Caucasian regions during the Bronze Age, large areas of North-Western Iran and Eastern Anatolia were also dominated by this culture. However, cultural interactions between these two regions have not been studied and clarified well over the period mentioned. A look at the dispersion of the areas with this culture suggests that this culture expanded mainly in Northwestern Iran and Eastern Anatolia. However, the data obtained from the exploration of areas in Northwestern Iran are usually compared with those of South Caucasus, the native land of this culture. Therefore, we have tried to conduct a comparative study of the material data of this culture in these two regions. Considering the homogeneous nature of the data related to the Kura– Araxes culture, there is a high degree of similarity, especially in pottery products. Contrary to pottery-related data in architecture, although circular monuments are among the characters of this culture, these monuments appear to have been developed more in Northwestern Iran than in Eastern Anatolia. We can make no comprehensive comparison at least at the present time in cases such as burial due to the small data available in this regard. The rapid expansion of the material data of the Kura– Araxes culture in a large geography gave rise to various views about the phenomenon of migration, cultural interactions, trade, and other factors in the archaeological literature of this culture. No matter which factor(s) caused this expansion, the material culture of North-Western Iran and Eastern Anatolia had the highest degree of homogeneity during this period. These similarities are rooted in the common Kura– Araxes culture expanded in these areas and continued for more than a millennium so that the cultural homogeneity of these regions continued after the collapse of this culture in the middle and late Bronze Age through the painted pottery products of the Urmia-Van culture. A Comparison of the Kura– Araxes culture in North-Western Iran and Eastern Anatolia Like the sites in the South Caucasus, the material data of this culture in North-Western Iran and Eastern Anatolia, along with local differences, show remarkable similarities in pottery and architectural data. Generally, the pottery products of the Kura– Araxes culture are black, gray, red, and dark. The main difference between these regions lies in the forms of these pottery products. They are found as small pots, jugs, bowls, wide shallow dishes and cups in all regions of this culture with a different percentage of frequency. Most of the studied sites in North-Western Iran and Eastern Anatolia belong to the second and third phases. In relation to the first phase of the culture, Sos Hö yü k, Arsalantepe, Geoy Tepe K1 and Kul Tepe of Hadishahr are among the few comparable sites related to the formation stages of the Kura– Araxes culture in North-Western Iran and Eastern Anatolia. Outside of the Caucasus region, the most common type of circular architecture related to the Kura– Araxes culture was found in Northwestern Iran, especially in Yanik Tepe. Although the circular architecture was also common in Eastern Anatolia, it did not have a complicated advanced structure, like the architecture in the northwestern Iran, the Yanik Tepe and Haftavan Tepe. In general, the Van-Muş region in Eastern Anatolia has the highest degree of similarity to northwestern Iran in terms of circular architecture. There is little information about burial practices and types of tombs in the Kura– Araxes culture. No significant burials have been reported in relation to the Kura– Araxes culture yet. However, recent excavations in Khoda Afarin and the discovery of a room-shaped tomb in Kohneh Tepesi yielded valuable information in this relation. Although the tomb of the VIA phase Arsalantepe from the point of view of the technician, as well as the objects obtained from it, is different from that of the Kohneh Tepesi; but these examples show the formation of a sociopolitical organization in the size of tribe in the Kura– Araxes culture Conclusion The Kura– Araxes culture created a wonderful cultural homogeneity for more than a millennium in all its dominated areas. Therefore, the cultural homogeneity of the northwestern and eastern parts of Anatolia during the Bronze Age was more due to the gradual expansion of a homogeneous culture (the Kura– Araxes culture) than an economic or cultural interaction. In this regard, the physical geography of the area should also be considered. Unlike the roads leading to northwestern Iran through the Caucasus, the communication roads from the northwestern to the eastern parts of Anatolia had more complex conditions and were limited to a few natural roads. We need to take into account various factors in order to better understand this culture’ s development process and its dynamics, this culture can be described shortly as a social movement which had no central organization and a military and political force but which had an important cultural dimension. It is also clear that understanding these processes involves relying on more than a single model. It should be explained by many factors including immigration, interactions, trade, imitation, homogeneity and a disorganized social movement.

The Bronze era is one of the most important cultural periods of pre-history of Iran. The importance of period is more by the period changes and different issues of Bronze era in Iran plateau. So, central Zagros area is one of important cultural area of Iran in Bronze era. In this area archaeological studies and excavations were done; but like other Iran areas, central Zagros has some problems chronologically the problem is seen more in West of central Zagros in Lorestan. In the area, Godin Tepe was chronological base of Bronze era from five decades ago. In this ancient area, excavations set chronology in a way that causes culture vacuity in wide parts of west of central Zagros. The Godin IV period is considered with Early Bronze period that is introduced by Kora – Arax culture. Considering to not seen this area in wide parts of central Zagros, the chronology of these areas have problem. For this, the writers tried to analyze chronological data of Tepe Gariran to solve some of chronological problems in West of central Zagros. in this way, data trenches of W. 260, W. 275a and W. 275b were analyzed and 44 samples of ceramic related to Early Bronze were studied. The studies showed that some kinds of ceramic of phases III: 6 and III: 5 Godin and also bi-colored ware were popular in Early Bronze. This ancient mound is considered one of largest area in East of central Zagros. The studies in the mound showed the enriched culture of it. The excavation of it showed that there is no cultural vacuity in Tepe Gariran layers and sequence of cultural layers is without interruption. In addition to Godin Tepe, it is used of Western parts of central Zagros and Posht-Koh to set Tepe Gariran chronology. The studies showed that in Early Bronze era, some kinds of painted wares related to Godin III and bi-colored were popular. Introduction Before scientific excavation of Godin Tepe in Kangavar, Tepe Geyan in Nahavand was formed chronological base in West of Iran for decades. Because of those excavations of Tepe Geyan was not scientific stratigraphically, after excavations as a chronological reference in the Bronze era (Young, 1969). The chronology of Early Bronze era in Godin Tepe that was for excavations of 1960 S, is base on deposit layer IV with Kora-Arax cultural characterstic. Later field studies showed that spreading of Godin IV ceramic characteristic had not been gone to Chamchamal plain to the West of central Zagros and Holeylan and never seen in South of central Zagros in Lorestan. Therefore, now we do not have exact knowledge of transition period of Chalcolithic era to Bronze era and wide parts of nowadays Lorestan. In middle and Late Bronze period which are recognized long Godin III, all Western areas and Southern parts of central Zagros were influenced by this culture (Henrickson, 1986). After a few decades of Godin Tepe excavations, some excavations sites done in central Zagros which followed of Godin chronological method and mostly did not address to the main problem of Early Bronze era. In South – Eastern areas of central Zagros and contemporary Lorestan, for not seeing of Godin IV ceramic, there is not clear statue of chronology in Early Bronze era. This factor caused that the middle and new periods of Bronze era are not trustful in the parts. In order to clear had done the excavation of Tepe Gariran in Aleshtar in autumn 2017. This ancient mound is considered one of largest area in East of central Zagros. The studies in the mound showed the enriched culture of it. The excavation of it showed that there is no cultural vacuity in Tepe Gariran layers and sequence of cultural layers is without interruption. In addition to Godin Tepe, it is used of Western parts of central Zagros and Posht-Koh to set Tepe Gariran chronology. The studies showed that in Early Bronze era, some kinds of painted wares related to Godin III and bi-colored were popular. So, in this study, it is tried to answer to the following questions: How is the chronology of Tepe Gariran in Bronze era? How can the Early Bronze era vacuity of West of central Zagros remove by Tepe Gariran chronology? Research Findings Excavation was started in the western side and up of hill. Step tranch about 2 meters wide were identified for this task that depending on the angle of 260 degrees relative to the north direction was named W. 260. Registration method of materials was based on locus. Change the texture of the soil, color, composition, weakness and stiffness the most important factors was the registration of locuses. Two other step tranches were created on the western side of the hill that regarding their location in the north direction, they were named W. 275a and W. 275b. The largest soil of excavation was carried out in these two tranches. A total of 4 locuses were identified in the W. 260. The deepest point in this tranch is in locus 1003,-121 cm relative to zero point. After re-survey the hill surface and at the distance of about 90 meters W. 260 trench, W. 275a was selected for create a new trench. The width of this trench was also chosen two meters. Surface texture trench consisting of loose and disintegrated soil and various compositions of different ages, locus 2000 was named. This trench has 10 locuses, including the Godin V to Godin post III: 2 era. The W275b is located at a vertical height of-445 cm from the highest level of the W. 275a. The superficial locus in the W. 275b was named locus 3000. This trench has traces Godine III at the lowest level and at the highest level the new Godin III phases. Conclusion After following studies on trenches excavated in the Grariran Tepe (W. 260, W. 275a and W. 275b) was discovered that there was a cultural continuity from the late Uruk (Godin V) to the Bronze Age (Godin III) is in the Grariran Tepe. In the other words, none of these 3 trenches wasn’ t observed cultural hiatus from the late Uruk (late fourth millennium BC) to the Bronze Age. Excavation stratigraphy in Grariran Tepe shows that the Godin III period has continued after the Uruk period (Godin V) in this ancient hill. But what has been studied in this study, is ceramic findings for locus 1000 in W. 260, locus 2007 in W. 275a and locus 3007 and locus 3008 in W. 275b trench that there are mainly related to the phases III: 6 and III: 5 of Godin. The important thing about these locos is that a number of pottery of the two-colored old bronze (early third millennium BC) of Posht-Koh area was also obtained with the ceramics of Phases III: 6 and III: 5 in Godin. Therefore, there are two important factors in relation to the chronology of the Grarian Tepe during the early Bronze Age, includes a lack of a cultural hiatus after the Uruk period (Godin V) and Godin III: 6 and III: 5 are the adjacent cultural material with a two-colored old bronze in this hill.

During the third millennium B. C., Shahr-i-Sokhta had a number of peripheral sites for the production of pottery. Among these, two sites including Rud-i-Biyaban 2 and Tepe Dasht are of most important Tepe Dasht, which is located at 3 km southwest of Shahr-i-Sokhta, had been a big manufacturing site for pottery production. Despite enough studies on the ceramic of Shahr-i-Sokhta, less research has been done on the type of fuel and the degree of temperature in the pottery kilns of the Sistan region during the Bronze Age. Therefore, the discovery of kiln at Tepe Dasht led us to two questions: 1) what was the fuel of pottery kilns at Tepe Dasht? 2) What degree was the temperature of the fuel provided? The hypotheses of the questions are as follows: 1) It was likely that wood and animal dung were used simultaneously as fuel for the kilns of Tepe Dasht. 2) It seems that wood and animal dung had probably provided temperatures between 600 and 900 ° C. The present study is done with the purpose of investigating the type of fuel and the amount of temperature of the pottery kilns of Tepe Dasht, in three ways: 1) Experimental Archaeology: constructing kilns with different sizes and shapes, measuring the temperature of the kilns by thermocouple and analyzing the present temperature and pressure of these kilns by Solid Works software. 2) Ethno Archaeological interview with residents of a number of villages in Sistan regarding animal dung and the way collecting and preparing animal dung as fuel in Sistani’ s villages. 3) Laboratory analyses such as Performing XRF test on the samples of the modern dung ash heated in a laboratory with a temperature of 900 ° C and on the discovered ash from excavation of Tepe Dasht. The discovery of Cow figurines, animal dung residues and ash layers from Tepe Dasht may indicate use of animal dung as a suitable fuel for pottery kilns in this area. According to experimental analyses, the temperature produced by this type of fuel was between 600-900° C and even higher, which is an indicative sign of the proper quality of animal dung as fuel for ceramic production at Tepe Dasht. Introduction Tepe Dasht and Rud-i-Biyaban 2 were among the ceramic production centers for Shahr-i-Sokhta (Mugavero, 2008: 3). However, Tepe Dasht with 5. 5 hectares’ extent may had been one of the most important manufacturing site for ceramic production during the third millennium B. C. Nowadays, many kilns are visible on the site (Mortazavi, 2010: 11-12). Based on the wooden remains discovered from Shahr-i-Sokhta, a number of researchers have mentioned to the existence of a massive forest around the site. However, evidence for the above claim is absent. If the current natural environment of Sistan is considered in this research, we find that in the case of productiveness in lake environment, the main part of the vegetation of the region is straw; and the bushes of tamarisk, Haloxylon and Willow are commonly found in non-lake environments. Fire fuel based on the lake environment is not reliable due to quick ignition. The laboratory studies of Marzieh Kordan on the potteries discovered at Tepe Dasht indicate that the temperature was about 900 ° C in the kilns of the site. Therefore, the uncertainty associated with the fuel of the kilns of Tepe Dasht caused the authors to perform an experimental study in order to understand the type of the fuel of kilns at Tepe Dasht during Bronze Age. The purpose of this study is two folded, firstly to understand the type of the fuel used in the pottery kilns at Tepe Dasht; secondly to reconstruct the temperature of the pottery kilns at site based on experimental activities. Research Questions The discovery of the kilns at Tepe Dasht provides design of two basic questions: 1-What was the main the fuel of pottery kilns at Tepe Dasht? 2-How much was the temperature of the fuel at kilns of Tepe Dasht? Research Hypotheses Regarding the above two questions, two hypotheses are raised as follow: 1-It was likely that wood and animal dung were used simultaneously as fuel at kilns of Tepe Dasht. 2-It seems that wood and animal dung used at ancient kilns of Tepe Dasht had probably provided temperatures between 600 and 900 ° C. Experimental Archaeology at Tepe Dasht The process of creating fire was carried out in several stages in kilns with different sizes and shapes by animal dung and wood. Ethno-archaeological activities for preparing animal dung as fuel in Sistan Basin: To have a better understanding of preparing process, eleven villages were selected as follow: 1-Hassaniyan 2-Pol Asbi 3-Siyah Poshteh 4-Badil 5-Hossein Mosafer 6-Ghaleh Noo 7-Kaftargi 8-Yadegar 9-Mohammad Shahkaram 10-Deh Noo 11-Kohak. Analysis of single-part kilns number 5 and 6 and two-part kiln number 7 by Solid Works software The temperature and pressure in single-part kilns number 6 and 5 were higher at the reservoir than at other parts, due to the fact that there was a free air flow in the kiln tank. The shape of the kiln number 7 was composed of two parts; the temperature at the reservoir was higher than the baking part. The reason for this is four folded: 1-The thickness and the surface material of the baking chamber; 2-outflowing a portion of the heat through the cavities preceding the baking chamber’ s surface; 3-The height between the fuel reservoir and the baking place; 4-few number of cavities on the surface of the pottery baking chamber for transferring heat. The two-part kiln of number 7 did not show any significant change in terms of pressure. Laboratory Results The XRF test was used to analyze the elements in the ancient ash sample and the ash sample of modern animal dung. The test indicates a significant amount of calcareous or calcium and alkaline compounds in the ancient ash sample (see CaO and K2O amounts in table 2). The remarkable difference between the amount of silica in samples and the almost identical amount of alumina indicates that there is more free silica in the modern ash sample. Free silica is related to plant species found in animal nutrition and ultimately to animal dung. The reason for the difference could be explained in the past and present biological conditions of Sistan Basin. Conclusion In response to the first questions of this study, what was the fuel of pottery kilns at Tepe Dasht? we can say that based on some brief evidence of the animal dung discovered around the kilns of Tepe Dasht, it seems that animal dung had been used as the primary source of fuel for the kilns at Tepe Dasht. The results of the ashes test are as follows: The ancient ash sample excels the modern ash in terms of the analysis of elements. The existence of calcareous compounds in the ancient ash sample suggests three possibilities: 1-Passing of time and soil being synthesized with ash residuals available near the kilns. 2-The presence of other fuels alongside animal dung. 3-The difference in the environment of Sistan in the third millennium BC with the modern environment of the region. Question 2: What degree was the temperature of the fuel provided? It seems that both the animal dung and the wood had provided a temperature of 600-900° C for the kilns of Tepe Dasht. The results of the temperature test showed that the animal dung had cent rated heat and the temperature produced by dung and wood reached 1237 and 1314° C. In other words, these two fuels had also the ability to produce higher temperatures.

Seals and sealings are important artifacts which are used to mark personal property and to limit access to main commodities in administrative institutions from their first appearance in the Late Neolithic period, therefore, they are significant resources for socio-economic history of ancient societies. However, these artifacts, especially those with no clear and well-stratified context, are usually studied in an art historical approach. Keydan cylinder seal (KCS) is one of these artifacts which was discovered in the 1996 archaeological survey in the Silakhor Plain in Borujerd region. One of the villagers gave it to the director of the survey and claimed that it has been found on the surface of Tepe Keydan. The seal shows a Mesopotamian contest scene. Previously, 10 contest scene have been found in the Central Zagros. KCS is the easternmost contest seal found in the region. This paper tries to study style and iconography of KCS as well as relevant archaeological evidence and textual hints in order to answer some questions about the dating of KCS and origins, contexts, reasons of appearance, and functions of such seals in the Central Zagros region. Thus, KCS has been dated to ED III. Considering archaeological and textual data, it could probably be dated to ED III b. It has been suggested that the Zagros contest seals have been cut in Mesopotamia and/or Susa and appeared in the Central Zagros in different ways for instance through looting in wars, moving people between the two regions such as those Elamite warriors who would have been hired by Mesopotamian armies or most importantly through trade. These seals as their Mesopotamian counterparts could have been related to local political, economic and military elites. Some of these seals might have been used to seal objects to mark personal property or to limit access to main commodities in an administrative context. Introduction KCS was discovered in the 1996 archaeological survey in the Silakhor Plain, in Borujerd region. One of the habitant of Keydan village gave it to the survey team and claimed that it originated from Tepe Keydan, which is surrounded with the houses of the villagers. It is depicted with a scene of animal contest. Until now, more than 10 comparable cylinder seals found in Pish-i Kuh and Pusht-i Kuh Luristan have been published. These seals show a Mesopotamian theme known as contest or combat scene which is one of the main subjects of the ED glyptic art of Southern Mesopotamia. Previously, the presence of such seals in the Central Zagros thought to be limited to the west of Sefid Kuh, especially the Pusht-i Kuh (Haerinck and Overlaet 2006, 51), but KCS proved that they could be found in the East Central Zagros as well. It seems reasonable to integrate these evidence and assess the context, function and reasons of appearance of the seals in the Central Zagros. In this article, I have studied the style and iconography of KCS, dated the seal and tried to interpret the Central Zagros contest seals in the socio-political and cultural context of Western Iran and Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B. C. Contest Cylinder Seals in the Central Zagros All of the contest cylinder seals of the Central Zagros have been found in Luristan. Six of them are found in communal graves in Pusht-i Kuh, four seals at Bani Surmah, dated to ED III (Tourovets 1996: 30-39; Haerinck and Overlaet 2006, 51-55, fig. 28, A 14-65, A 14-67, A 2-24, A 2-25), and two seals at Kalleh Nisar, dated to ED III and Akkadian period (Tourovets 1994: 13-22; Haerinck and Overlaet 2008, 50, fig. 24, C 12-14, C12-15). The Pusht-i Kuh seals are suggested to be of Mesopotamian manufacture (Haerinck and Overlaet 2006: 51; Haerinck and Overlaet 2008: 48). There are also four contest seals mostly of Akkadian period style found in a later context (probably Middle Elamite) in the sanctuary of Surkh Dum-i Luri in Pish-i Kuh Luristan (Schmidt et al 1989, pl. 132, n. 12, 13, 14, 18; Roach 2008: 683-95). It is not an unknown phenomenon that seals would be found in a later context than the one in which they have been cut, because they were precious items and could be inherited through several generation as heirloom (Collon 1990: 19, 24). KCS is the easternmost contest seal found in the Central Zagros, unfortunately, without any clear archaeological context. The crucial question here is why and in which socio-political and cultural setting the contest seals appeared in the Central Zagros? KCS and Its Dating KCS could be dated to ED III (2600-2400 B. C. ) in terms of style and iconography and many parallels from Susa, southern Mesopotamia and the Central Zagros (Frankfort 1955, pl. 24. no. 247, pl. 39. Nos. 417, 418; Ibid, pl. 52, no, 553, pl. 60, no. 631; Woolley 1934, pl. 196, no. 49, pl. 198, no. 68; Roach 2008, nos. 2055, 2056; Legrain 1951, n. 140; Amiet 1980, pl. 84, no. 1114; Roach 2008, n. 1998), but one cannot specify based on these evidence whether ED IIIa (2600-2450 B. C. ) or ED IIIb (2450-2350 B. C). The chronology of Tepe Keydan could not enable us to elaborate the dating, because first of all, our information of the dating of the site is limited to the surface pottery sherds of 1996 survey, namely a few pottery fragments of Godin III: 2, Parthian and Islamic era, second of all, there is no way to confidently distinguish between pottery of the Godin III different phases, which is a continuous pottery tradition differentiated mostly through architectural remains through few pottery sherds, and finally, even if we had a clear chronology of the site, we could not attribute it to the KCS, because as mentioned earlier, seals could be found in a period other than their manufacture time (Collon 1990: 19, 24). However, assessing archaeological data of the region and textual evidence may help us to date the seal more accurately. Contemporary to the ED of southern Mesopotamia Godin III: 6-5 culture spread over the Central Zagros. Based on architectural remains the Godin III culture has been divided into six periods/phases Godin III: 6-1 covering about a millennium (about 2600-1500 B. C) (Henrickson 1986). Godin III: 6 formerly had been dated to 2600-2400 B. C. based on correlation of its pottery with Chogha Maran red-slipped ware (which then thought to be of ED II/III because it was associated with clay sealings then dated to ED II/III), Susa IV (Dc-d) and presence of the Godin III: 6 potteries in southern Mesopotamian cities such as Ur, Girsu and especially Lagash, which are dated to ED IIIb based on textual evidence (Henrickson 1984; 707-712; Henrickson 1986: 23). Some researchers have recently suggested that the beginning of Godin III: 6 should be pushed back as early as ED I (Haerinck 2011; Renette 2015). Renette argued that the Godin III potteries found in southern Mesopotamia and the analogous Susa Dc-d pottery belong to Godin III: 5. therefore, the Godin III: 5 is roughly contemporaneous to ED IIIb (Ibid). Furthermore, new dating of the Chogha Maran clay sealings (Pittman 2014; Khayani and Niknami 2019) to ED I supports the dating for ED III: 6 and ED III: 5. If Rennette’ s argument is correct, there would have been a close connection between the Central Zagros, Susa and southern Mesopotamia in Godin III: 5/ ED IIIb through which the Mesopotamian contest seals could appear in the Central Zagros and the monochrome painted pottery of the Central Zagros could appear in southern Mesopotamia. ED IIIb textual evidence especially from Kish and lagash refer to trade and conflicts between Mesopotamian polities and Elam/Aawan and support the connection (Steinkeller 2018: 180-82). Thus, the ED IIIb dating for KCS is more probable than ED IIIa. Based on textual evidence, the Central Zagros contest seals might have been derived from Mesopotamia or Susa through trade, hostilities or even moving people between the two regions (Selz 2014: 267, table. 2; Steinkeller 2013b: 301, 306; Steinkeller 2018: 180-182). Function of Contest Seals in the Central Zagros In Mesopotamia itself, the contest seals have been discovered from different contexts. In the royal cemetery of Ur the seals seems to be related to political, economic and military elites of the society (Moorey 1977: 35-7; Pittman 1998: 76-77; Pittman 2013: 332). They have also been found in domestic and administrative context in Fara (Matthews 1991: 9– 13). If the contest seals keep their function and cultural meaning in the Central Zagros, they might belong to local elites as well as their counter parts. Considering the grave context of the contest seals at Kalleh Nisar and Bani Surmah and lack of impressions of these seals on clay sealings or textual evidence, Haerink and Overlaet proposed that the function of the seals was protective/amulet (Ibid: 51; Haerinck and Overlaet 2008: 48). However, some of the Central Zagros contest seals (Haerinck and Overlaet 2006, A 14-65, A 14-66, A 14-67, A 2-25) including KCS seems quiet worn, thus some of the seals might have been used for sealing action whether for mark personal property or in an administrative organization for limiting access to main commodities. Conclusion Based on style and iconography and several parallels KCS could be dated to ED III. Archaeological data of the Central Zagros and textual evidence of southern Mesopotamia indicate a close connection between the Central Zagros, Susa and southern Mesopotamia in Godin III: 5/ED IIIb period, a fact that make ED IIIb more likely than ED IIIa for KCS. Contest seals have been found in a range of archaeological contexts in their origin: grave, domestic and administrative. If the contest seals would save their function and cultural meaning in the Central Zagros, they might have been related to local political, economic and military elites here as well as their counter parts in Mesopotamia. It should be noticed that having precious exotic items such as contest seals may be an indicator of differentiated groups or individuals who would have shown their special places through having such commodities, especially the contest seals that probably had the same function in their origin.

Achaemenid era is the heyday of culture and civilization in which art and architecture make remarkable advances. Relying on other civilization’ s legacy, Achaemenid architecture developed a distinguished and rather complex module which consists of the application of hidden grids and brick-based modules which were adopted by their neighbors prior to Achaemenids. This paper focuses on the survey of Achaemenid architectural module in Persepolis. Applying the descriptive research method, this research has been complied with the help of documents, maps and field surveys, meanwhile, the data has been analyzed by using Matlab and AutoCAD software. This article tries to respond to such questions, including: the basis of Achaemenid module formation, the extent of Achaemenid inspiration from other common module systems and the survey of common modules in The palace of Apadana and the hall of a hundred-column. According to the results, it is apparent that Achaemenid module is based on the dimensions of the bricks (standard brick of 33˟ 33˟ 13 cm) thereby, forming a brick-based module. In addition, this module seems to have been adopted from Babylonian brick-based modules and has been well inspired by Geek length measurement systems. This feature can align to the combinatorial nature of Achaemenid architecture. Moreover, two common modules in these two palaces are Cubit and Royal Cubit, which are thoroughly based on the human body dimensions. It is also noteworthy to mention that the adoption of each module depends on the application of that structure. Another valuable finding of this research is the numerical correlation between modules which seems to follow the same pattern of neighboring systems such as Greek and Babylonian modules. The result of this research rejects the suggested modules by Michael Roaf and Freidrich Krefter. Introduction Having met one of the most fundamental needs of human being, shelter and security, architecture evolved into a more complex system consisting of geometry, proportion and module. Among all these factors, Module seems to be the least known aspect of Iran’ s pre-Islamic architecture. Module, in architecture, is an arbitrary unit adopted to regulate the dimensions, proportions, or construction of the parts of a building. Unfortunately, there are certain ambiguities surrounding the formation and evolution of the pioneer module system in Iran’ s architecture. The process of its formation, origin or the impact of module systems of neighboring civilizations is not determined yet. Moreover, the existence or absence of different module systems in different regions of Iran or even the continuation of an initial module system of the historical period in Islamic period are questions that have not been answered yet. Knowing that primitive forms of module including, length measuring units were used in Sumer, Egypt, Assyria, India and Greece would raise the question whether there had been a distinct module system in Iran or not. Therefore, any attempt to uncover the evolution of a module in the architecture of pre-Islamic Iran would be worthwhile. To this end, the remarkably intact remains of Achaemenid stone architecture are proper samples to be studied compared to previous periods. This paper focuses on the survey of pre-Islamic modules particularly in Persepolis. Applying the descriptive research method, this research studies the architectural remains through two distinct approaches, including mere mathematical studies and analysis of defining measurements in each structure and the second approach consists of applying griddings as well as mathematical analysis. Each approach is examined thoroughly and the results are demonstrated, however; the first one seems to be utterly inadequate since it provides incongruous data within different units of a single structure, meaning each unit’ s module seems to be different from the neighboring unit which is unreasonable. Consequently, Discovering the modules in Persepolis was made by drawing grids on the outlines of the plan and dividing the grids based on the standard distance between column axes. Therefore, column axes and other defining parts of the buildings for instance, the stone walls and gates had to correspond to the suggested module. Each grid is a square of 33. 34˟ 34 cm which remarkably overlays the existing outlines of the plan and informs us of the adoption of girds while designing the plan of Apadana and The hall of a hundred-column. The overlap of the aforementioned grids with the outlines is so precise that if the Apadana map was plotted separately with these grids and placed on the current plan, they would overlap to a great extent. Identified Traces According to the results, it is apparent that Achaemenid module is based on the dimensions of the bricks (standard brick of 33˟ 33˟ 13 cm) thereby, forming a brick-based module which was inspired from Babylonian brick-based module. The use of this type of module can be traced back to late Babylonian architecture and the site of E-Sagil. Given that Achaemenid clay bricks were made by the Babylonians, it is possible that the Babylonian brick-based module system may have influenced the Achaemenid architectural system, albeit not in size or dimension, since results demonstrate that the values of Achaemenid measuring units are influenced by their Greek counterparts. The brick foundation of all walls of Apadana, the hall of a hundred-column and the corresponding size of each brick with suggested module values, accredits the assumption that brick-based module might have been vastly used while constructing the buildings. This would have allowed architects to scale the dimensions of a building project by counting bricks without using a measuring rod. The Greeks adopted the Egyptian measuring system and made minor changes. This would better explain the origins of the Achaemenid measuring system and the correlation between aforementioned modules. It would also trace back the origin of the Islamic prominent modular system to a much earlier period. Once again such results can reveal the origin of Islamic prevalent grid plannings. Another rewarding finding of this study is identifying the differences between the commonly used modules in different buildings of Persepolis. There seem to be two different types of modules which have been adopted in Achaemenid architecture as Royal and common modules. Each module is compatible with special needs in Persepolis. In short, two common modules in the palace of Apadana and The hall of a hundred-column are Cubit and The Royal Cubit, which correspond to the size as well as the application of each building. Conclusion In conclusion, the Achaemenid module system is a combination of Babylonian brick-based module and Greek units of length measurement. The construction was conducted with the help of the Egyptian plan grids. Thus, it can be claimed that The Achaemenid architect used gridding plates, where each square served as a module, in order to design the palaces. The use of these grids has been very common in Egyptian architectural design. It is also likely that the Islamic gridding system may be a continuation of the pre-Islamic period. Thus, what is seen in Persepolis is a combinatorial yet distinct tradition among all neighboring civilizations. It is worth mentioning that the prevalent Islamic period module has a rich history in Iranian architecture and seems to be the result of many years of Iranian architects’ experiences. It should be noted that the results of this study decline earlier studies conducted by Michael Roaf and Friedrich Krefter, despite their valuable efforts. Since the results demonstrate a logical and numerical relation between length measuring units in Achaemenid architecture. In other words, Royal Cubit, which is 66. 68 cm seems to serve as the base of all modules. By dividing it into smaller amounts, one would obtain numbers which are other possible modules. The numbers obtained from these divisions are also present in the gridding plans and have a relative advantage over other numbers.

Damghan area was considered as one of the center’ s Attention by the Parthians, which selected the region as its second capital. The crossing of Damghan commercial roads (silk road) is another aspect of its importance in Northeastern Iran, and the major part of trade throughout Northern Iran is from Damghan. One of the most important the area Located on the Silk Road is Dibaj Damghan Hill, where Archaeological excavation have received some spectacular effects from the Parthian period, indicating the cultural interactions of this region with other simultaneous sites in the North east of Iran along the Silk Road. However, Northeastern Iran has been the Location of important Developments in human settlement from pre-history to the present. Although the Damghan region has been the Location of significant historical events, in particular for the Parthian era we have lacked adequate data. Thus the results of research in the Dibaj Damghan area can help clarify issues regarding the material culture and the wider interactions of the region. The excavation described here is a contribution to our better understanding of historical developments in Northeastern Iran and the connection of that region with adjoining ones. The focus on the Parthian era is significant, since that dynasty ruled over a wide territory for several centuries and presided over one of the most important periods of Iranian history. Introduction Semnan province is Located on the way of Silk road one the ancient Iranian heritages. Being surrounded by Alborz Mountains on the North and Kavir Namak which was once a home to a rich civilization, it has a special Geographical position and several climate conditions. Semnan province is Located on the south (central-east) slopes of Alborz highlands and the north side of big Cavir and therefore, from a geological point of view, belongs to two ground structures of (central) Alborz and central Iran. In the North of Semnan, “ Semnan fault” is known as the border between Alborz and central Iran. The Northern stripe of Semnan province (the road connecting Garmsar-Semnan-Damqan-Shahroud) is part of the southern slope of Alborz having a high and coarse morphology and is usually referred to as the central-eastern Alborz. In general, Neishabour plain is a road heading towards west, from Afghanistan to Shahroud, and is a part of The Great Khorasan. The evince found on the way in the ancient regions such as azure, alabaster, and turquoise show that the east-west road from Khorasan to Damghan was always paid considerable attention to since 4000 AD to the Parthian and the Sasanid and then to the Islamic era (Hiebert & Dyson, 2002: 116). The eastern Iran is made up of mountain borders and barricades, misshaped valleys and huge spaces of deserts (Fisher 1986). Khorasan region is surrounded by Gorgan and the Atrak River on the Northwest, and by Kopet Dagh mountains I the north and northeast. The Northern border of Khorasan and the Iranian plateau is surrounded by mountains and is formed by the Atrak River and Mashhad plain, Hezar Masjid Mountain, the border of Kopet Dagh and the south chain including Binaloud and Shah Jahan mountains. The valleys located between the two mountains and the southern parts of Kopet Dagh are 1000 meters higher than the regions in the north of Kopet Dagh (Hiebert & Dyson, 2002: 115; Eduljee, 2007: 9). Archaeological Evidence Pottery, which tends to be abundant, is usually the best evidence for establishing the chronology of ancient sites. Study of the pottery, examining both its fabric and artistic style, not only can help determine the date of a settlement or stratum, but also can help in establishing some aspects of social conditions, historical changes and the nature of trading contacts. there are similarities between the Parthian wares we have discovered and those of adjacent regions, we may be able to discuss the economic transactions and social interactions of different cultural zones. A wide range of objects has been excavated at Dibaj Tepe. In Trench V at a depth of 30 cm we found a broken brown agate signet ring with a scorpion image. Also discovered in this trench was a shell cap of a glass scent bottle, a glass bead and a clay spindle weight. Trench VI yielded a bronze bracelet, an earring, ornamental beads, and clay spindle weights and earrings. The pottery is grey, beige, orange, red or brown and is made of temper, gravel and lime, with glazed surfaces. The decoration consists of horizontal lines carved on the shoulders of the vessels. Furthermore, the edge of most of the dishes slopes outward. The pottery of this region is comparable with that from other regions of northeastern Iran in the historical era, which suggests that the wares are indigenous and that there was cultural homogeneity across regions. Conclusion The excavation described here is a contribution to our better understanding of historical developments in Northeastern Iran and the connection of that region with adjoining ones. The focus on the Parthian era is significant, since that dynasty ruled over a wide territory for several centuries and presided over one of the most important periods of Iranian history. It is impossible to understand the substantial achievements of their successors, the Sasanians, without looking closely at the Parthian period. While excavations of Parthian sites to date have focused largely on major centers, there is a great deal to be learned by studying thoroughly a smaller site such as Dibaj Tepe. We feel that its artifacts improve our understanding of non-elite populations in the Parthian era. The typology of the excavated potteries suggests that it might have been a shepherd’ s settlement. Most of the pottery has an open shape which is best suited to pastoral life. To establish the chronology, we have compared this pottery with that found at several other Parthian sites where the cultural objects are similar: Tureng Tepe in Gorgon, the Damghan Plain, the defensive wall in Gorgon, the Atrek Valley in Khorasan, and Shahr-i Qumis in Damghan. This comparison suggests that the small shepherd community in Dibaj, even though it may have experienced inter-regional migration, never had significant interaction beyond the borders of this region of northeastern Iran. Additional proof of this can be seen by comparison and contrast with objects found in recent archaeological excavations focusing on sites connected with an immigrant tribe of Semnan. The seal excavated at Dibaj Tepe would seem to have come from some regional center, but what it tells us about political and economic interactions of this particular settlement is unclear. While there are some other artifacts which likely were obtained from elsewhere in the region, the polished dishes with carved decoration, a bronze dish and some glass vessels, their number and quality suggests limited financial resources in this local community. However, further study of this evidence and the accumulation of more material from additional excavation at the site may help clarify the nature of this local community and provide a better view than we now have regarding regional and inter-regional interactions in northeastern in the Parthian era.

Ilā m region is among the areas which encompass considerable archaeological monuments in terms of dispersion and multiplicity of such works, indicating its strategic importance throughout the history. Among these works are ancient cities, which have not been scientifically and archaeologically studied so far. One of these cities is the ancient city of Seymare in Dareh-shahr that according to the excavations conducted recently, its archaeological data have provided the researchers with valuable information. Archaeological data, while confirming historical information, imply the continuation of the city’ s life from the Sassanid period to the early Islamic centuries. Here, by studying the archaeological data and comparing them with historical and geological data we intend to provide a date for the formation and collapse of this ancient city. This research aimed at investigating the formation changes of Seymare and the possible changes that occurred during the establishment of the city and also the main cause of its destruction with regard to available data, such alike geological information, historical and geographical texts, and archaeological data. Accordingly, two questions are raised: How is the residence situation in the city of Seymare and to which period does it date back? Despite the importance and geographical location of Seymare, according to geological information, historical and geographical texts and archaeological data, what has been the main reason for abandonment of Seymare? In general, it was revealed that a city with such an authentic geographical and historical context has been suddenly abandoned. Therefore, the afore-said data were studied and it was found that due to a terrible earthquake hit in the early Islamic centuries the city was completely destroyed in 258 AH. Introduction During the ancient times, Ilā m Province had countless works related to this period, due to its proximity to Ctesiphon and also because it functioned as a pathway towards Khuzestan and Fras. From among these works, the ancient cities of Seymare, Sirvā n, Juliā n and Darband can be mentioned that most archaeologists have attributed them to historical eras; but according to the research recently conducted in some cities, especially the ancient city of Seymare, the his-tory of these cities in addition to the historical periods has been also attributed to the Islamic era (Lakpur, 2010). The social and political life of the Sassanid era, which is reflected in the urbanization of this period until the domination of Muslims over the western regions of Iran and the abundant historical and geographic information about Seymare have been the logical reasons to study this city from its formation to the collapse. The particular political and regional situation of the Ilā m province during the Sassanid era and the early Islamic centuries and the role of cities in social changes, and the description of the sociological characteristics of cities in this period are among the most important issues dis-cussed in this paper. The political and historical geography of Ilā m province, which has been the location of clash and conflicts among different political groups and important governments, and given presence of important and unknown cities in this region provides an appropriate space for reviewing the social changes of this geographical area during the Sassanid and the early Islamic centuries. Here, it is attempted to answer the following questions regarding Seymare: How is the resi-dence situation in the city of Seymare and to which period does it date back? Despite the im-portance and geographical location of Seymare, according to geological information, historical and geographical texts and archaeological data, what has been the main reason for abandon-ment of Seymare? The purpose of this study was to determine the formation time of Seymare and the possible changes that occurred during the formation of this city and also the main cause for its destruc-tion according to the available data. According to historical texts, the construction of Seymare took place during the Sassanid period that after the arrival of Islam and the changes and devel-opments occurred subsequently, the city developed and grew during the Islamic era. But with respect to the historical and geographical texts, and archaeological data, and eventually geolog-ical information, the city of Seymare has been evacuated due to a terrible earthquake. Conclusion According to the archaeological excavations conducted in the ancient city of Seymare and ar-chaeological data such as pottery and stuccos, the emergence and foundation date of the city date back to the Sassanid era, and it was continued to be utilized with the arrival of Islam. Gen-erally, the reasons for the collapse and abandonment of the city can be studied from three per-spectives, i. e. geological studies, historical and geographical texts, and archaeological excava-tions. According to geological studies, it was revealed that the area of the ancient city of Sey-mare is located on the earthquake line and the earthquake occurrence and its severity are con-firmed according to historical texts. From archeological point of view, with respect to urbani-zation and architecture and archaeological data such as pottery, it was determined that the basis of urbanization and architecture in these cities starts from the Sassanid period. Also, the infor-mation obtained from the pottery indicates that the typical ceramics of the Sassanid period have been obtained from among the ceramics discovered in this city that similar examples of them with absolute dating have been found among the findings of the Sassanid period. The his-torical pottery points to a date from the Sassanid period until the second and third centuries AH. Other important archaeological data in the ancient city of Darreh-Shahr, which have great-ly contributed to the analysis and the conclusion of this research, are stucco decorations. Ac-cording to the research conducted on these stuccos, it seems that they are an evolved example of the stucco masterpieces of the Sassanid period and the early Islamic centuries. Also, accord-ing to the excavators of Seymare, the traces of earthquake destruction have been discovered in some excavated buildings, including the building in section C in room C2. Moreover, in some cases, the rotation seen in the ceiling debris of room C1 is another sign of the earthquake occur-rence and its consequences. Therefore, it was concluded that the city destroyed by an earth-quake hit in 258 AH which caused abundant damage and destruction. Notwithstanding, inhabit-ants of the city evacuated it after the earthquake hit in the third century AH and the city re-mained abandoned for centuries and it was completely left without any urban life, until the re-cent centuries that due to the gradual seventies of the nomads in the region a new town was es-tablished next to the ruins of the ancient city. Generally, historical texts have referred to Seymare as the center of Mehre-jā nghazagh state in the Sassanid era, and they have pointed to its critical role in that period. Archaeological evi-dence regarding Seymare also suggests that Seymare played an important role since the Sā sā nian era, and also indicates the continuation of the city’ s life until the early Islamic era. This city has survived in the Islamic era under the influence of Sassanid texture and given the strategic location of the region and economic trade it had with other regions, including Khuzestan, especially Susa and Mesopotamia (Samarra) and Sirā f, it was developed and flour-ished.

The ruling era of Piruz, the Sassanid king, must be considered one of the most challenging historical periods. The reasons of political-economic tensions could be traced in drought, successive and long wars, the capture of Iran from two different directions, and, ultimately, the tribute paid by Iranians to Hephthalites. Generally speaking, the coins belonging to Piruz ruling era were minted in four different forms throughout four different periods of time in various places; therefore, the elemental analysis of the metal used in these coins provides us with valuable information about the economic-political conditions, the type of mines, and the minting process of the coins. Hence, to conduct an elemental analysis of these coins, the non-destructive PIXE test was employed. The research questions are: What is the period of Piruz’ s economic power with the coinage index? Given the elemental breakdown of these coins, he described the type of mines, how to extract the metal from the ore, and the coins’ grinding? The data of the present study is extracted from 41 non-repetitive coins out of 183 coins belonging to Piruzgat Treasure discovered in Tis, Chabahar, in 1380. However, unlike the supposition that the coins alloy must have been low due to the political tensions of that era, PIXE proved that the alloy has always been above 96 percent on the average. The amount of gold in these coins has always been at an average of one percent. Since this value ranged from 0. 2 to 1. 5 percent, the use of Cerussite mines in that period is proved which is also confirmed by the presence of lead in some coins. Only one type of coin (120, GOM) had a low amount of gold (0. 15 percent) which could be the sign of using Galena mines in the 4th period of the ruling era. But the low amount of copper could signify a hurry in minting and inadequacy of silver extraction as a result of not using copper in these coins, existence of lead, and elemental variety especially in the second and third periods. Introduction The period of Sassanid Piruz’ s reign must be regarded as one of the busiest periods in history, Because of the drought, the prolonged wars, the occupation of Iran by two different factions and finally Iranian’ s tribute to Heptalians. Because of this, much historical information was not available from that time, and everything that is short, sometimes scattered and without a turning point. So the coins of that era can be considered a valuable document and the best archaeological data Because they belong to the same time and, like other books, were not created for the purpose of re-reading, Therefore, elemental analysis of coins of this period was the main basis of this research. The research questions are: What is the period of Piruz’ s economic power with the coinage index? Giv-en the elemental breakdown of these coins, he described the type of mines, how to extract the metal from the ore, and the coins’ grinding? In this study, Pixie technique was used to study coins because of its speed, high accuracy and non-destructiveness. This method is a common method for elemental analysis of homogeneous samples; in homogeneous samples its components are uniformly dispersed. And if samples are non-homogenous, other methods can be used, such as micro pixies, but coins are homogeneous. The data in this article are the coins of the victorious treasure. This treasure contains 183 pieces of coins from the Sassanian victor (459-484 AD) Which in 2001. Near the ancient site of Pirouzgat (Pirouz Fortress) located in the village of Tis, Chabahar, were found by workers during road construction, and these coins are now kept in the Grand Museum of South East (Zahedan Museum) and the Chabahar Local Museum. In general, Sassanid Piruz’ s coins have been minted in four different ways in four different times during his reign, and coins of this treasure are not out of the circle. A total of 41 non-duplicate coins were se-lected from this collection (with an approach of each coin and a specimen from each mint). The decomposition of the elements in these coins can provide valuable information on socio-economic conditions, to allow a better analysis of the conditions of that period. In this article, Pixi’ s experiment is attempted to examine the four types of Sassanian victorious coins that have been minted in four differ-ent times. Identified Traces Contrary to the notion that the coinage of victorious coins should have been lowered by successive wars, droughts, and so on, it did not, and by pixel experiment, the Composition of these coins was, on average, always above average 96%. The amount of gold in these coins has always been 1% on average, and since it was between 0. 2 and 1. 5%, it indicates the use of Cerussite mines in that period.؛ Only one coin (GOM 120) has a low gold value of 0. 15% which could be the reason for the use of Galena mines in the fourth round of the victo-ry. The amount of copper present in the first and fourth species is higher than 1. 2% on average, but in the second and third species the average copper content is less than 1%. Given the amount of copper pre-sent in more than 1% of the coin, this indicates that the coin is alloyed for strength. It can be conclud-ed that in the first and fourth periods of the victorious rule, the quality of coinage was given more im-portance than the second and third coins. This may have been the result of political and economic ten-sions. Of course, copper alloys were generally subjected to spatial and temporal conditions during that period and were performed at any average interval. Few of the second to fourth types of coins show less than 1% lead, which in addition to confirming the use of lead mines for silver extraction, in some ways indicates insufficient haste and inaccuracy in the extraction of silver. Elemental variation in the second and third species is very high, which can be due to the use of differ-ent mines, the inaccessibility and inaccuracy of silver extraction. Or these metals come from the help of the Roman government in Iran. Although elemental variation is found on the fourth type of coins, it is not strongly the second and third species. This may be due to the relative improvement in political and economic conditions in the fourth period of Piruz’ s rule. Conclusion The period of Sassanid Piruz’ s reign must be regarded as one of the busiest periods in history, Because of the drought, the prolonged wars, the occupation of Iran by two different factionsand finally Iranian’ s tribute to Heptalians. However, unlike the supposition that the coin's alloy must have been low due to the political tensions of that era, PIXE proved that the alloy has always been above 96 percent on the average. The amount of gold in these coins has always been at an average of one percent. Since this value ranged from 0. 2 to 1. 5 percent, the use of Cerussite mines in that period is proved which is also confirmed by the presence of lead in some coins. Only one type of coin (120, GOM) had a low amount of gold (0. 15 percent) which could be the sign of using Galena mines in the 4th period of the ruling era. But the low amount of copper could signify a hurry in minting and inadequacy of silver extraction as a result of not using copper in these coins, existence of lead, and elemental variety especially in the sec-ond and third periods.

Other than their true purpose as a means of trade, historical coins were always powerful adver-tising means in hands of the rulers. In this research, the main idea is to analyze figurative and written aspects of Farrah on Sasanian coins. The necessity of this research was the same reason to select this concept among tens of other religious concept to depict on the coins. Here, the main goal was to find the special type of Farrah depicted on them and to answer these ques-tions: why this type of Farrah is emphasized on sasanian coinage? What figurative and written aspects belong to this Farrah? And what impression in took from before and what effect it did on coins after Sasanian period? It’ s presumed that figures on these coins have symbolic values. Research methodology was desk research. In this way, Sasanian coin photos, from the beginning to the end of this dynasty, pictured in authentic references as the statistical soceity were studied. As a result, it was concluded that the Farrah which was presented from the time of Achaeme-nids, is portrayed more prominent than before on Sasanian coins as figures of falcon crown, shining crown, ram crown and also coronate bust of king or god and in script as expression prayers and name of cities. Emphasized type of Farrah on Sasanian coinage was “ Farrah-e-Shahi” and it was because of the attempt of Sasanian rulers to advertise their Farrah as a con-cept which has root in religion and politics simultaneously. With this, they confirmed their le-gitimacy from the view of Zoroastrian religion. The last sample of figurative and written Farrah was seen on a Buyid coin. Buyids were an Iranian dynasty and this way, they tried to bring life to Sasanian traditions. Introduction In the book Avesta, Farrah is written as xvarǝ nah-and in Pahlavi is written, in form of hozvaresh, farr or xwarrah (Amuzegar, 2017: 350). In Manichean and Parthian scripts, is written farrah which also means glory (Boyce, 2007: 66). We deal with different types of Farrah: 1-Farreh-e-Izadi (divine Farrah), 2-Farreh-e-Kiani or Shahi (Royal Farrah), 3-Farreh-e-Ariayi or Irani (Arian or Iranian Farrah), 4-Farreh-e-Mubadi or Payambari (priest or profit Farrah), 5-Farreh-e-Hamegan (common Farrah) (Amuzegar, 2017: 350) Research Problem How Farrah is advertised on Sasanian coins and this Farrah was how impressed from before Sasanian period and had what effects on next periods? Aim of the Research The aim of the research is to realize what type or types of Farrah are depicted on Sasanian coins and what written and figurative aspects had emphasized on it. Significance of the Research A gap in symbolism and religious studies of ancient Iran coins; and also the reason behind selecting this concept out of tens of religious concept to depict on Sasanian coins were the main significance of this research. Research Questions A: Does Farrah have different aspects on Sasanian coins? What are these aspects? What types do these aspects have and what are their properties? B: Does Farrah survived on coins to a definite date after Islam? What are the last samples baring this concept and why Farrah was still advertised on coins? C: What reason led to repetition of Farrah on Sasanian coins to this extent? Assumptions Here, the Assumptions are that many figures on Ancient coins have symbolic values and according to available data in their symbolism, believes of their creators could be realized. Besides, some of the scripts on these coins shows existing belief to Farrah in the time of producing and mostly, these were related to Gods giving power to the Sasanian ruler and representing him as the only just person to assume the royal throne of Iran. Discussion On the basis of the studies accomplished in this research, on Sasanian coins, Farrah is depicted in both figurative and written forms. Figurative aspects of Farrah on these coins are as following: ‘ crown decorated with falcon or falcon wings’ of Shaour I (CE 240-270), Bahram II, (CE 274-293), Ardashir II (CE 379-383), Bahram IV (CE 388-399), Piroz (CE 459-484) and Khosrow II Aparviz (CE 591-628); ‘ radiate crown’ of Bahram I (CE 271-274); ‘ crown decorated with ram’ s horns’ of a Kushanshah depicted on the reverse of a Yazdgerd I (CE 399-420) drachm. All of these crowns implicate on royal Farrah (Farrah-e-shahi). On some of altars depicted on the reverse of Sasanian coinage, a male bust with halo or in flames is displayed. According to many coin specimens which on them the reverse bust exactly resembles the obverse bust, we conclude that both of them belonged to the current king and the reverse bust represent the royal Farrah. In the flames of the reverse altar, bust of Hormozd II (CE 302-309), Shapur II, Ardashir II, Shapur III (CE 383-388), Bahram IV, Yazdgerd I, Bahram V (CE 420-438) and Balash (CE 484-488) are recognizable. Moreover, bust of Godess Anahita is depicted on a coin of Khosrow II Aparviz. Written aspects of Farrah are displayed in the script of a dinar of Buran (CE 630-631), in the “ GDH apzut” script of coins of Khosrow II to the end of Sasanian period and also in the name of the mints Ardashirkhwarrah and Kwadkhwarrah. After Islam, not only these aspects of Farrah didn’ t disappear from the surface of the coins, but also some of them were written and picture on Arab-Sasanian, Spahbads, Arab-Tabarestan and Arab-Sistan coins. The last time, Farrah is portrayed and written in both forms on Buyid coin minted in mid-fourth century AH. Conclusion Study on different aspects of depicting Xwarrah/Farrah on Sasanian coin shows a relatively constant use of this concept from the beginning to the ending years of this dynasty. Generally, Farrah is depicted in two forms of written and figure on these coins. The last time, both written and figurative aspects of Farrah are presented on a Buyid silver drachm of King Rokn-o-dolah struck in 351 AH in Ray; by striking this coin, Rokn-o-dolal tried to revive Sasanian traditions. It is worth noting that “ Crowns referring to Farrah” such as falcon crown, radiate crown and ram crown were depicted on the most important part of the coins design and it were fitted on the Sasanian kings’ head; these crowns had replaced previous crowns such as turreted crowns which advertised most prominent political concepts or moon and star crowns which were symbols of the Iranian god Mithra and the goddess Anhaita and had religious concepts. Emphasized type of Farrah on Sasanian coinage was “ Farrah-e-Shahi” and it was because of the attempt of Sasanian kings to advertise their Farrah as a concept which has root in religion and politics simultaneously. With this, they justified their kingship from the view of Zoroastrian religion.

West Azarbaijan is considered as one of the key and important areas in the archaeological studies of Islamic period of Iran (especially in the Ilkhanate and Safavid periods) due to its connection with Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, which, unfortunately, was not well-considered by archaeologists. Sardasht is geopolitically and strategically oriented as a canal that is located on the route of North West communication network to Iraq and Syria. Accordingly, the main questions are: 1-What are the archaeological evidence in the context of the communication ways of this region? 2-What is the influence of the position of Sardasht on the formation intra-regional and extra-regional Northwest ways? The main purpose of this article is to reconstruct ancient ways of Sardasht. Research method in this study was descriptive-analytic(a combination of texts, archaeological evidence and GIS). In describing ancient communication routes of the area, the authors defined their fieldwork by scrutinizing the following principles: 1-Reviewing historical texts and library studies in relation to the topic concerned 2: Exploring and studying the bridges and caravansaries of the region as factors associated with commercial ways 3: Surveying the archaeological evidences of old roads and Surveying the ancient sites and analyzing their location in relation to the proposed routes, 4: Using GIS analysis and integrating it with archaeological evidence and interpreting satellite images. Archaeological evidence includes 5bridges, 2 caravanserais, remains of roads, a mass of rocks with the possible use of a guide, and a large number of Islamic and historical sites. According to the results, there are two main connecting passages in Sardasht, which have been used for archaeological evidence from the first millennium BC to the late Qajar period. The Alan crossing in the south of Sardasht, which is connected to Kukhi Kurtak crossing on the northwest side, has been the main route and the passage of Qasma Rash in the west as a secondary route, including Sardasht’ s routes to Iraq, and in particular Sulaimaniyah. Introduction Sardasht city is located at the southeastern part of West Azarbaijan province. The most important natural occurrence is the Little Zab River, which has split it from the middle to two halves. This river originates from the establishment of settlements from prehistoric to Islamic periods. The study of communication paths is one of the important issues in archeology. Today, it is very difficult to study past paths; hence the study of communication paths is possible through archaeological evidence. The network of communication paths can be traced through the exploration of bridges, caravansaries, linear pattern of site dispersion, trajectory debris traces, etc. In addition to archaeological evidence and studying traveler’ s literature, geographic analysis of region is required through spatial analysis software such as GIS. The research method in this research is a descriptive-analytic approach. Using a survey, the authors first identified and studied caravansaries and the remains of ancient roads and ancient rivers in Little Zab River, and then, by inquiring from the elderly, the ancient caravan routes along with the review of the old texts are reviewed, and in the end, the information was matched to the natural geography of region and final map of the ancient paths was drawn using GIS analyses. There are many references to the geographic texts about the Little Zab River basin; it has also been considered as an important crossroads for communication with Mesopotamia and northwestern Iran from the prehistory to the present day. The presence of important evidence, including the texts of travelers and tourists, ancient bridges, crossings, pathways, the linear pattern of important enclosures and castles on the main road, as well as the existence of suitable geographic conditions, including passages and communication valleys; it is imperative that these evidences be integrated seamlessly. This may be a window for the reconstruction of historical geography of the area in subsequent studies. The Little Zab River basin is one of the major geographic barriers due to the presence of deep valleys and high mountains in the northwest of Iran with North Mesopotamia. Accordingly, one of the main objectives of research is reconstruction of communication routes leading to the northern Mesopotamian crossing. The proximity of Sardasht city to the subterranean branch of the ancient Silk River, which flows through the south of Lake Urmia, has added to the importance of this city; hence, other main objectives of the research, in addition to recovery of Sardasht inner region; is to consider outskirt paths. The other goal of the study is to introduce new evidence of bridges and caravansaries along the way, which has not yet been introduced. Article Text Northwest of Iran is of great importance during the Islamic period, especially from the Safavid period due to its proximity with the Ottomans, and, accordingly, the communication routes of the region are of great interest in this period. One of the main branches of the Silk Road crossed the northwest of Iran. Another branch passing through Mahabad, Kukhi Kurtak pass, Sardasht and Alan, led to Iraq. In this study, two main passages known as Alan in the south of Sardasht and the subway called Qassem Rash in western Sardasht were studied. Other attributes that were used in this research were texts. The texts that have considered Sardasht region include travelers and tourists’ texts who have traveled mainly to the area during the Qajar period and provide us with important information on the status of ancient roads and bridges. Among these people are Kerpourter, Frazer, Wagner, Khorshid Basha, Dumorgan, Wigram, Hubbard and Ali Khan vali. Other characteristics used to analyze this research are the study of archaeological evidence related to ancient ways in the region. Accordingly, in the present study, the authors studied Little Zab basin in Sardasht and obtained new evidence of ancient bridges on the Zab River. The archaeological findings include 5 archaeological sites and 2 caravanserais. Among the bridges, only one of the bridges (Ghalatasian Bridge) was previously identified and four other bridges are new findings. Bridges are among the most important archaeological evidence in connection with the study of the network of communication paths, which, along with the texts, were integrated seamlessly. In this research, the remains of old roads were considered alongside the Tyate and Allot bridges. A pyramidal rock mass was also investigated with the possible use of guide signs. Conclusion The study of past communication pathways always involves a thorough examination of geography of region, historical texts and, most importantly, ancient archaeological evidence associated with ancient paths. Hence, in this study all the evidence was studied in conjunction with each other. The present study showed that a main path for Sardasht communication paths is imaginable. This route is known as Kukhi Kurtak Passageway, in the north-east of the region and as Alan Passageway in the south of Sardasht city, which most travelers and tourists have traveled through. Sardasht outsourcing routes ultimately has been led in the west to Iraq, including the major cities of Sulaimaniyah, Erbil, Kirkuk, and Mosul and in the east of the region, in the south of Urmia Lake, to the sub-branch of the road called the Silk Road. In addition to the mentioned cases extracted through the texts of the tourists, the analysis of GIS maps showed that important factors such as tight geographic valleys, springs altitudes, and most importantly, important sites, which have been traversed linearly along the way, have played a major role in providing communication paths. Of course, communication paths always need facilities for passing that these facilities studied in this research were surveyed under the title of archaeological evidence such as bridges, caravanserais, paths and guide signs.