جامعه شناسی سیاسی انقلاب اسلامی
Year:2022 | Volume:5 | Issue:1|Papers Count:15

Taking advantage of the benefits and fruits of social capital in order to achieve the lofty goals of the political system occurs at the level of society if it is possible to know the effect of its facilitating norms and networks. Rule of law, as a matter that has always been a necessity of human social life, is one of the norms that play an important role in consolidating group structures and increasing social capital. For this purpose, the current research seeks to analyze and discover the network of main and central themes of "law orientation", through the theme analysis model, in the intellectual system of Hazrat Ayatollah Khamenei. In this research, while explaining the theme analysis method and using the theme network analysis technique, after studying, analyzing and rearranging the 950 data of the original text, finally, the number of 6 central and comprehensive themes of "law orientation" as a component of increasing social capital in the system The thinking of the Supreme Leader was described and analyzed. In the end, three strategies were proposed to strengthen social capital in this field. First: All members of society, especially agents and elites, must be fully committed to adhering to the law. Second: Legislature should seek revision and amendment of redundant, incomplete, contradictory and ambiguous laws with a serious determination. Third: Monitoring the correct and timely implementation of the law is another clear and unavoidable duty of the relevant centers, which can be very effective in improving trust and promoting social.

In the recent decades and following the failure of theories regarding the government, by international institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the World Bank, good governance as one of the dominant theories and models in the field of administration and management of modern societies has been put forward in the agenda of thinkers and development institutions, as well as Governments and global communities are placed. In this regard, this descriptive and analytical article has been written with the aim of explaining and understanding the cultural challenges of the elite sphere in the process of realizing good governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present research hypothesis, in response to the cultural challenges of the elite field in the realization of good governance, emphasizes on cultural components such as negative individualism, secrecy and lack of transparency, differences and divisions. The findings show that there is a reciprocal relationship between the lack of good governance and cultural obstacles such as negative individualism, secrecy and lack of transparency, disagreement and division in the elite field. In addition, this article shows that the challenges and problems of good governance have been reproduced in the form of a vicious cycle over many years, and this vicious cycle has been the biggest obstacle to good governance in Iran. Political culture with concepts such as democratic discourse, reformability and political education, peaceful competition and moralism are among the cultural factors that can help to implement good governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The analysis of the riots in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic, which was designed by the enemies of the Islamic Revolution in the interpretation of the Supreme Leader of the revolution, can be done from different angles. The purpose of this research is to identify and explain different discourses to analyze these disturbances. For this purpose, the discourse analysis method of Lacla and Moff has been used as a qualitative research method. Data collection has been done using a semi-structured and in-depth interview with 19 professors of the Islamic Revolution who gathered in the meeting of the Scientific Association of the Islamic Revolution in Shiraz in February 1401, during 30 hours of interviews and about 400 pages of notes. After coding the interviews; The findings of the research show that the analysis of the riots of the fall of 1401 is included in four discourses that are complementary to each other: first, the "political-security discourse" around the nodal point of the "civilizational confrontation between Islam and the West"; Second, the "discourse of the governance system" around the nodal point of "governance malfunctions"; Third, "educational discourse" around the nodal point of "weakness of divine approach in formal and informal education system"; And fourth, "social discourse" revolves around the nodal point of "spreading the western lifestyle". Deep attention to these results by policy makers and governance decision makers can be helpful in reducing the damage of these disturbances and preventing similar disturbances to some extent.

The issue of accurate understanding of the indicators and requirements of the Excellent Mosque: Elite Mosque" in modern Islamic civilization is necessary because it is considered as the first platform for self-improvement and socialization, as well as the first objective institution of Islamic civilization, and is emphasized by religious scholars, especially two leaders of the revolution. For this purpose, this article tries to identify the indicators and requirements of the " Excellent Mosque" in the process of realizing the new Islamic civilization from the perspective of two leaders of the Islamic Revolution. As a hypothesis and answer to the main question, it should be said that Ayatollah Khamenei's point of view is considered as a solution for the formation of the Excellent Mosque, with a detailed analysis of the civilizational basis of Imam Khomeini. The findings and results of the research based on the descriptive and analytical method indicate that the characteristics of the Excellent Mosque in the intellectual system of the Supreme Leader in the process of realizing the modern Islamic civilization and based on the civilizational basis of Imam Khomeini are: 1. The need to create spiritual and moral progress through the mosque.2. The necessity of creating a cognitional progress by the mosque with the following functions: A: School and place of education, B: Propaganda and awareness of public opinion, C: a base for contrasting cultural and religious invasion. 3. Necessity of creating jurisprudential progress by the mosque with the following social-political functions.

The issue of guiding man and bringing him to happiness has been one of the goals of divine prophets; This is the basis of the call to monotheism, prophethood and the introduction of the next prophet in divine religions and Imamate in Islam, resurrection, their tidings and warnings to realize this goal and great ideal. He sent the perfect man to lead mankind to happiness and perfection and placed him as his guardian on earth and this path was current in all religions until he reached the religion of Islam and with the end of prophethood, the imamate continued the goal of the prophets for the happiness of man. and reason dictates that the successors of the divine ambassadors should be the people most similar to them, who were appointed as successors based on the Shia view, the twelve imams, and in the age of occult jurisprudence, based on reason and religious texts. In contrast to the opinion of the Sunnis, they believed in the theory of election, that they believed in the Shura for election. Mr. Shamsuddin is one of those who accepted this opinion and cited the verses of the Shura to prove it. Emphasis on the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) has examined the implications of his evidence and the legal authority in the age of occultation using the opinions of Imam Khomeini (RA) has proved that he also rejected the Shura theory and at the same time did not ignore.

Social justice has been a long-standing demand in Iran's contemporary history, which entered Iran's political culture since the constitutional revolution and under the left discourse. During the second Pahlavi period, the desire for justice was strongly intertwined with political trends and found deep connections with the issue of political legitimacy. This led to the delegitimization of the established regime with a justice-seeking approach and the use of justice policy as a sociological source of legitimacy in the alternative system. In the following article, the mentioned historical process is analyzed with a sociological approach and descriptive and analytical method. The article aims to answer the question that how the distributive justice policy directed towards the poor, became one of the most important sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the research indicate that the aforementioned policy is not the exclusive creation of the Islamic Republic, but rather the product of a historical process that the majority of contemporary Iranian political forces have played a role in creating it. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to take advantage of this legitimizing source due to its wide base among the lower classes since its establishment.Analyzing the link between political legitimacy and social justice as a historical matter, from before to after the revolution, is the main goal of this research.

Social resilience, which refers to the capacity and power of community members, social groups, and communities in facing and fighting with adversities and the possibility of overcoming hardships; It is connected with other social concepts and while being affected by them and has an effect on them. By asking the question, "What role did the reduction of social resilience have in the emergence of the unrest in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic of Iran?", the present research has investigated the role of the reduction of social resilience in the formation and occurrence of the unrest in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This research has collected relevant data using the documentary method and analyzed the collected data by adopting the case study method and in the framework of trend analysis. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to investigate the role of social resilience in the formation of social unrest in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic of Iran; the negative effect of social resilience components; As social capital, political participation, public trust, the pressure of imposed political and economic sanctions, the qualitative level of social resilience has been considered. The lack of the mentioned components, on the one hand, has reduced the quality level of social resilience and has become the basis for the creation of some of the causes of social unrest in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic.

This research was carried out with the aim of identifying and determining the components of the professional ethics education model and providing a practical model for training the members of the Islamic Council, using a combined method (mixed method) of the exploratory type (qualitative-quantitative) and using From the opinions and viewpoints of 21 representatives of different periods of the Islamic Council and experts and specialists in the field of designing a professional ethics education model, through semi-structured interviews, we tried to discover and categorize 90 components of professional ethics. Representation of the Islamic Council in 10 dimensions using MaxQD software and finally, while surveying 165 representatives of the Islamic Council in the form of a questionnaire to confirm the components and dimensions obtained, a model for training These components were designed for parliamentarians. After designing the model, the validation of the model was done and the structural equation of the research was checked with pls software and the results showed that all the evaluation criteria of the measurement and structural model are at a very favorable level and therefore the model of professional ethics of parliamentarians are approved.

The fall of sedition last year (1401) caused many political and sociological analysts to raise the question that why and to what extent is the Islamic Republic of Iran willing to pay for women's hijab in society? In the meantime, some people, with a one-dimensional view, considered this issue to be merely ideological, and some others called it the government's policy to maintain its supporters. The aim of the current research is to investigate the main causes and factors of the importance and necessity of this matter in the system of the Islamic Republic. The main question is why the Islamic Republic system insists so much on observing a social obligation, despite numerous internal and external problems? This research investigates this issue with descriptive-analytical method and using library sources. The findings of the research show that the great importance of hijab among the imams of the revolution as the outliners of the general policies of the system, which is also based on considering the advantages and disadvantages of this matter in their eyes, is the most important reason for this. Sociologists and intellectuals of the society have also put forward reasons such as the cultural image and identity of clothing, disruption of the system and the priority of social rights over the individual regarding the necessity of clothing, which supports the view of the Imam and the leadership on the issue of women's clothing.

During the years 1332 to 1357, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi used the method of maintaining political stability through force and repression. Like his father, his regime eventually relied on oil revenues and the military; it was even more heavily dependent on the United States. The main purpose of this article is to study the power of repression and violence in the Pahlavi regime. The data collection method is a qualitative analysis of the type of documentary analysis and the tools of text and fish collection that have been performed using Visio software software. In this article, the violence of the Pahlavi regime is examined in three political, cultural, and social dimensions, and the tools of violence are examined in two categories: intelligence, security, and military. He himself resorted to repression and violence; he used all aspects of political, cultural, and social violence through the military and SAVAK and the Joint Anti-Sabotage Committee to carry out these programs for his own benefit; The second was the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

The study of the effects and consequences of social revolutions is considered one of the controversial areas of the sociology of revolution. The unexpected occurrence of the Islamic Revolution has not only faced theorists and sociologists with an important shock, but by strengthening the research fronts, it has exposed the accuracy, validity, and capabilities of explaining and predicting previous theories to a great test. Using the descriptive-analytical method, this research the question of what effect did the occurrence of the Islamic revolution have on the theories of the revolution? the occurrence of the Islamic revolution in Iran not only led to the discovery of scientific inconsistencies and their credibility. It has revolutionized the theories and has created a remarkable change in them and the religious and cultural factors have strengthened this impact. The findings show that: the inability of the first three generations of theories to explain and why the Islamic Revolution occurred played a big role in the formation of the fourth generation of theories by Goldstone. Secondly, the Islamic revolution has had a great influence in adjusting and reforming Skocpol thoughts and criticizing modernist thought and postmodern revolution plan by Foucault. The Islamic Revolution not only affected the traditional theories of the revolution that were aimed at explaining the causes and factors and the evolution process of the revolutions, but also led to the formation of theories that had more generalization ability than the previous theories and attention to the components of Cultural, the influence of mass mobilization.

Religious democracy is one of the most important concerns of today's cultured society. This theory was first proposed in the political literature of Iran during the Constitutional Revolution, and after the Islamic Revolution, it was established as a response to the question of the legitimacy of this system (background). However, this theory has always been disputed; while some, insisting on the components of liberal democracy, consider it to be lacking in democratic standards, others consider it to be the best model of democracy due to factors such as participation, people's satisfaction, and division of powers (problem). Martyr Muṭahharī is one of the modernist thinkers who has theorized about religious democracy. Given that he is considered the most important theoretician of the Revolution, it is appropriate to examine the theory of this thinker. The present article aims to critically analyse this theory with the critical analytical method based on Skinner's authorial intentionalism hermeneutics (method), and it specifically seeks to identify the principles on which this theory is based and analyse it critically (question). This theory considers democracy as a method and by emphasizing the possibility of religious democracy, it assigns a supervisory role to the Guardian Jurist (hypothesis). The findings indicate that according to the theory of Martyr Muṭahharī, the issues of freedom and the role of the people in the government are of great importance. However, the position and function of the Guardian Jurist as one of the pillars of religious democracy remains ambiguous (findings).

The Islamic Republic of Iran got indulged in so many riots and turbulences from the time of its establishment. Among others, the riots and turbulences of the autumns 1401 was somehow different from the previous ones in the aspects such as its atmosphere, arrangement, typology, participation of social classes, its domain and more generally in its essence and form. Based on this fact, we want to answer this question: What are the effective factors in outbreak of those riots and turbulences of autumn 1401? In answering this question, this hypothesis is mentioned, thought this one has cultural and psychological backgrounds, but the contextual factors had their roles in the areas such as politic, economic and geography and accelerated that process. The findings of this have been arranged by a descriptive-analytic method and relative deprivation theory and indicate that the riots and turbulences after Islamic Revolution include one of political, economic and cultural forms in its typological aspects. But, the turbulences and riots of autumn 1401 the mixture of cultural, political and psychological factors such as social analogy and unrealized expectancy, issues of women, considerable deployment of virtual actuality as well as the other factors such as impossibility of holding a peaceful gathering, the differences between generations, races and genders, vulnerability of the economics, the erroneous official process, the recent marine tensions, unsecured geopolitics of Iran and the campaign of maximum pressure paved the way for appearance of those turbulences and riots.

Freedom has always faced significant constraints, particularly under the rule of despotic rulers. These authoritarian leaders sought to impose slavery and servitude upon the people of their time through looting, oppression, and violations in pursuit of their self-centered goals and the interests of their supporters. Among the Shiite scholars of his era, Ayatollah Naini emerged as a champion of resistance against the despotism and oppression of unworthy rulers. In his famous treatise, "Tanbih al-Ummah wa Tanzih al-Millah, " he urges Muslims to stand against and not submit to autocratic rulers based on the recommendations of God in the Quran and the sayings of the infallible. Naini considers ownership-oriented sovereignty as the usurpation of human rights, emphasizing the transformation of this sovereignty into guardianship and freedom from the tyranny of oppressive rulers. He contends that all conflicts and struggles between prophets and saints of the past against tyrants were aimed at achieving freedom from invaders, which remains the greatest divine blessing. Naini emphasizes that the reality of overcoming oppressive rule lies in the nation's victory in attaining this divine gift: freedom.

Anti-arrogance and the conscious participation of the academic community in it is one of the aspects of political activities in the country's universities. The participation of the academic community in political matters started in 1332 and is still going on. In various fields of Iran's contemporary history and in important events of the country, we have witnessed the role of the academic community alongside other sections of the society. In the course of the Islamic Revolution, we have seen the university community, especially the students, accompany the ideals of the Islamic Revolution and then their epic and proud presence during the eight years of Holy Defense. The purpose of writing this article is to identify examples of anti-arrogance in Iranian universities. In this framework, we are trying to answer the question of how anti-arrogance emerges in Iranian universities. The research method is descriptive-analytical. Using library resources and books, theses and scientific and research articles, anti-arrogance in the academic community has been investigated in the period after the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The main hypothesis of this article is that anti-arrogance in Iranian academic society is more symbolic and it shows itself in the form of symbolic movements such as participating in a march and burning the flag or saying slogans against the policies of the arrogant. Anti-arrogance in Iranian universities is represented in forms such as scientific and research activities, holding scientific meetings, holding news meetings and participating in marches.