Islamic Revolution Research
Year:2018 | Volume:7 | Issue:24|Papers Count:10

Since its inception, ISIS has consistently used its advertising plus in its best to achieve its objectives. This type of advertising includes a range of tools, including; social networks, internet videos and magazines. Because of the status of the ISIS image, this article attempts to answer the main questions, which are ‘ what is the discourse governing the ISIS advertising structure’ and ‘ How is this discourse going through in the journal Dabiq? ’ To find out the answer of the main questions, we used the discourse analysis method, especially the Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis theory. Research findings show that, first, the accessibility of this publicity discourse is increasing due to the inappropriateness of the social world for a Muslim and the deprivation of social life. Another significant feature of the ISIS propaganda semantic system is the enmity element that has a great circle and its inclusion is very extensive and it is the main factor in identity and religious practice. It is also from other findings of this paper that using metaphors in the contemporary world triggers radicalism in ISIS audiences. In general, in this article, with numerous citations to the magazine ‘ Dabiq’ , the various dimensions of the discourse governing the structure of ISIS's propaganda have been examined.

The effects of political thought of Imam Khomeini on the mourning ceremony of Muharram have been examined less with regard to the concept of mourning itself and have been further analyzed with a political viewpoint. In the present study, while explaining political thought of Imam Khomeini at the beginning of his struggle (Khordad 42), the type of effect of this thought in the theme and formulation of different types of mourning was studied. The methodology of this study is an interpretive-historical comparative study that is based on qualitative approaches and deep and exhaustive studies of a limited number of cases. In the research about the context of the theme, it became clear that the metaphor of "Shah is Yazid of Time" is presented as the most important concept in the mourning ceremony. In the context of formulation, changes were also examined in four categories. Finally, confirming the main question of the research on the effect of political thought on the mourning ceremony, it became clear that the changes in formulation in no way meant the loss of mourning from its "mournful" nature.

Safavid history has had a great influence on the promotion of Shiite beliefs, especially the mourning of Imam Hussein. Regarding the religious policy of the state, Imam Hussein's mourning ceremony was very magnificent and freely held. The main goal of the study is to recognize the ceremony from the point of view of European observers and as a result, its impact on the Islamic revolution. The main questions are, ‘ How the mourning ceremony of Imam Hussein was reflected in the itineraries of the European tourists of Safavid era and what was their view? What impacts have had in our revolution? ’ By examining the itineraries of the Safavid Europeans, which have deduced from their atheistic spirit and materialism, we can conclude that Imam Hussein's mourning ceremony in Safavid era grew with the support of the Safavid government and was also mixed with non-religious and superstitious traditions. It became a religious figure. Creating solidarity and continuity of religious culture, social consensus, socialization and restoring religious identity are some of the important functions of this event.

In Islamic teachings, leadership has been introduced as the pillar of the Islamic society and command the Islamic Ummah to come to the leader in crisis and be safe of the conspiracy of enemies. Decades of experience of the Islamic Republic has clearly demonstrated the role of Imam Khomeini and Supreme Leader in managing crises. This has led the enemies to seek to undermine the soft power of the leadership of the Islamic Revolution and try to make some distances between the public about their acceptance and make some hesitations between them. Now, the question arises: What do people have to do when the enemies target the dignity of leadership and undermine his power to control and manage crises? In other words, who defends the position of the leader and in what way should he be defended? The present research compares the methods that today's enemies use to weaken the soft power of Islamic leadership, by comparing the methods used by enemies against the prophets which referred to in the Qur'an, and concluded that the methods of enemies against the divine leaders from time to time have been in similar frameworks. Accordingly, in the present study, to address the conspiracy of weakening the soft power of leadership, the solutions that the Qur'an has used to defend the prophets have been considered. Finally, the result was that, first, according to the Qur'anic method, the weakening of leadership should not be discontinued in any circumstances, and the Islamic Ummah is obliged to defend the position of leadership, second, the Quranic solutions to the weakening of the soft power of leadership do not follow a single criterion, but the style the Qur'an requires that the enemy's method be identified and analyzed in the first step, and then a clever way appropriate to the conspiracy of the enemy is taken to defend the leadership.

In the context of current international politics that count on the power of soft and smart power, the international hegemonic powers have adopted effective policies in the domain of new influence, which will succeeded if can change the policies of non-dependent states and transforming their intellectual foundations. The basic manifestation of this process of influence is the political-social impact. Among the various influential areas, the purposeful use of public diplomacy is crucial for achieving political, social, economic and cultural influence. In light of this, the present article attempts to demonstrate, in the context of the political thought of the Supreme Leader, how the discursive influence of the United States public diplomacy and subsequent programs such as information activities, international and internet radio and television, the use of virtual space and social networks, the English language training program and the use of the Hollywood film industry, illustrate the extent of public diplomacy and interpenetrating influence. The present paper, in order to test the hypothesis that ‘ public diplomacy is one of the most important strategies and tools for implementing the US discursive influence in the Islamic Republic of Iran, ’ will use a descriptive-analytical method.

Since, on the one hand there are a lot of powers and resources available to the agents, and on the other hand they are allowed to interfere in a wide range of issues, there is a good opportunity for abuse. Therefore, the importance of controlling them is vital. On the one hand, with the advent of the model of the Islamic Revolution, this issue has become even more important. In this regard, the main question is: Considering the principles of the Promoting Virtue (Maruf) and Preventing Delinquency (Munkar), what is the status of supervision of the performance of the agents by the citizens in the jurisprudence? In the Qur'anic verses, the importance of the Promoting Virtue (Maruf) and Preventing Delinquency (Munkar) has been emphasized, and the manner of governance by the Prophet (pbuh) and Imam Ali quantified that. This article seeks to analyze the general oversight of the agents’ actions through one of the levers of Islam (the Promoting Virtue and Preventing Delinquency) to control power. Therefore, an analytical citation method has been used to achieve applied research.

There are two famous points of view in the case of determining of Vally-e faqih (supreme leader): the installation by the infallible Imam or selecting by the people. Most of the jurists have raised the view of the installation and the view of selecting has been raised by some jurisprudents. In this article, we are trying to prove the third hypothesis, which is based on the general installation of the jurisprudent on the part of the Imam and the choice of the people, as well. This view point explains the divine-public legitimacy from the point of view of political jurisprudence, in such a way that the infallible Imam determine a fair jurisprudent by expressing the conditions of the authority of the ruler, without identifying a particular person, and then, second legitimization derived from the principle that god’ s will is that people have sovereignty on their own destiny and oblige them to choose the fair jurisprudence among the jurisprudents who have the conditions of appointment by the infallible Imam and declare their consent to his rule and will assistance him to establish and fulfill his duties of the ruling. Now, the fundamental question of this research is that how we can plus jurisprudential and documentary knowledge of the book with the rule of divine legitimacy and popular legitimacy? What are the reasons? By the method of analyzing the content of the book and the tradition and jurisprudential texts and using a Jihadi method, seek to prove the above hypothesis within the framework of the theory of Velayat-e faqih from the perspective of political jurisprudence.

Ever since the analysis and interpretations of the experts would express their assessment of the evolution of history and the literature produced in this field has a significant role in shaping the minds and beliefs of the society; it is important to address the narratives of scholars from contemporary history, especially the imposed war. At the same time, it should be noted that the complex nature and hidden layers of the developments of war, in particular the adoption of resolution 598, have led to various views and questions. Therefore, the review of the narrations transmitted by the officials and researchers of history has come to the fore. In this research, analyzing of the narratives about the adoption of the resolution in the stretches of war history is the fundamental and axiomatic issue. The findings of the research indicate that the narratives were proposed by some officials and a group of researchers in such a way that to show the adoption of resolution 598 has been a smart move of the officials and theorize it!

Many productions in the field of Iranian political history are produced by Farsi-language satellite networks, each of which is associated with malice, distortion, forgery of historical realities and unreal imagery. They endeavor by using the media techniques to raise suspicion and doubt in the minds of their audiences and thereby showing Iran's political and social developments in line with their goals and policies. In this context, "Documentary of the 57th Revolution" is one of the products of the satellite channel "Manoto", which has many distortions. One of the important distortions in this historical document is the destruction of Imam Khomeini's face and personality, and for this reason, the present article attempts by using the postulating technique and using the method of analysis of the theme to answer the main question: ‘ What are the misunderstandings and negative ideas of the "Documentary of the Revolution" about the character of Imam Khomeini? ’ The findings of the paper show that the above-mentioned documentary is trying to characterize Imam Khomeini as an anti-democracy, opposed to the progress and development of the country, compatible with the great powers, opposed to women's rights. This negative portrayal of Imam Khomeini's personality has been carried out with various statements and literature. In this article, we try to extract negative and adverse notions through coding and identifying the organizing themes in the documentary context.

This study emphasises on cultural aspects of social capital, considering nature of the "Martyr Foundation" and its target community. This research seeks to identify the grounded factors associated with the development of social capital of the foundation by adopting a qualitative approach based on an interpretative paradigm. The intermediate data is collected from 15 interviews with various informative groups, by referring to them and giving them the needed assurance. These groups are included of faculty members of universities, senior managers of the foundation, people with a history of effective cooperation with the foundation or war veterans or one who has effective connection with them. The informants of the study are chosen by deliberate and snowball method in non probable judgmental sampling. By thematic analyzing of the field data, 5 main themes and 48 sub themes were identified. Main themes are "cultural and social context", "communication environment of the foundation", "the target community features", "participation of the veterans" and " identity and dignity of the veterans. "