JOURNAL OF GREATE KHORASAN
Year:2021 | Volume:11 | Issue:43|Papers Count:6

The aim of this paper is to intensify the apprehension of territory of Iran and how it represented by Mythological literatures in the Transoxiana literatures as mystical collective are memory of a nation which corroborate the sense of locative belonging and the mechanism of emergence of a territory with the fields of emotional and sacred common sense of the collective spirit of the people and consequently, organized into an independent system with certain identity. Political-geographical factors such as identity and territory are as a motivating forces and Iconographic factors in order to constituting of a nation with mythical-racial sovereignty. In the ancient Iranian mythological literature can be observed a singularity of the common identity with a pure nation and numinous territory. The present paper with hermeneutical analysis has examined how representation of territory in Gathas which is the most ancient and most original part of the Avesta. The fundamental question of this study is what are the features of territory in the Gathas of Avesta and how did it represent? The results of this study indicate that Gathas as a space has operated the extraction and distribution of the discourse of territory and nation. Also, territory in the "Gahanic Positivity" has represented as the "mythology of origin" and "political technology" allusively in which its objective sample has been embedded in Sassanid governmentality. Governmentality model in Avesta shows the mythical dominance of territory; that is in the type of governmentality that Avesta shows, the territory of Iranvij is like a beginning and a factor that has gathered other entities around each other and places together the mythical messenger syntheses, mythical king and religion. It is a political technology not because it is merely technical.

In the middle of the third century AH, along with the power weakness of Tahirids in Khorasan, the situations for the emergence of power claimants in this province were provided. One of the influential groups in the events of this period of Khorasan was Sa’ luk’ s. They played a significant role in disordering the affairs by creating insecurity on the roads and foraging the caravans. The leader of one of the Sa’ luk’ s groups in Khorasan was Ibrahim bin Shorkab. Although the Saffarids domination on Khorasan did not give Ibrahim ibn Shorkab a chance to show saber-rattling, and he immediately entered into the structure of Yaqoub Laith's government, his assassination later (by Ahmad Khojestani’ s conspiracy) gave an opportunity to his younger brother, Abu Talha Mansour, to play a role in the events of the Khorasan for more than a decade. The current study seeks to examine the role of Abu Talha Mansour Ibn Shorkab in the event of Khorasan by a descriptive-analytical method and approach and by relying on the main sources. The findings of the study show that Ibn Shorkab's political approach can be deduced from his rapid revolution in power factions. He sought his own interests in the apparently powerful faction and was not so loyal to the Saffarids or the Tahirids. Alliances and betrayals were a vital part of his political function in this period.

The cities of Khorasan and Transoxiana on the time of the Mongol invasion (616 AH) under the leadership of Ghingiz Khan benefited from a series of defensive fortifications such as fortifications, Walls, Forts and Trench (Khandagh), whose main function was security and protection of the city against foreign threats. The existence of these structures confident Sultan Khwarezmshahs to base his battle strategy on defense in cities and castles in the initial decision. The present article, with a descriptive-analytical approach, considers the situation of these structures on the eve of the Mongol invasion and what effect they had on the method of battles between the Khwarezmshahs and the Mongols. According to the findings, on the time of the Mongol invasion, the defensive fortifications in most of the attacked cities were worn out and under repair. The deterrence and resistance of the defensive fortifications against the Mongol invasion is considered insignificant and the resistance in Otrar, Gurgandj (Urgench) Taleghan and Herat could not prevent the Mongol advance. The Mongols 'skill in besieging and capturing fortifications, the worn-out and under-repairing fortifications in some cities, and the lack of experienced and sufficient forces to maintain security structures are the most important causes of the fall of defensive fortifications against the Mongols' methods of warfare. After capturing the cities, the Mongols destroyed the defensive fortifications of Khorasan and Transoxiana in order to seize the opportunity to resist and revolt. Due to security concerns, Khorasan's defensive structures were not rebuilt from the center of the government and the conflict between Chagtai Khanate and the Ilkhans lasted until the end of the Ilkhanid period.

With the establishment of the Sheibanian dynasty (1007-906 AH / 1599-1500 AD) in Bukhara, the Madrasa was considered as the most pivotal pillar of the Islamic education system and also as an important pillar in the training of scholars and elites of the society who had a brilliant background in Transoxiana. And supported by Uzbek readers. This support was not only provided by the Sheibanis, but was strongly and weakly pursued by the Ashtarkhani (1200-1007 AH / 1785-1599 AD) and Manghit (1339-1200 AH / 1920-1785 AD) governments, which subsequently came to power in the region. . The present study intends to use historical and archival sources and a descriptive-analytical approach to answer the question: What was the social function of the Madrasa in Bukhara in the 10th to 14th centuries AH? The achievements of the research make it clear that the students of religious sciences who came to Bukhara from all over and beyond to complete their postgraduate studies, after completing their studies in various social sectors and in important positions such as Sadr, Shaykh al-Islam, Qazi Kalan, Imam Juma. Etc. were appointed and in this way, in addition to resolving and referring social affairs, they were influential in guiding and influencing the general classes of the society. The orientation of the elites in the Bukhara society was in a direction that satisfied the greed of the ruling system, and the Uzbek ruler sought to propagate and implement the ideology of the ruling system in the hands of these elites by appointing educated scholars to important social positions.

In the second half of the thirteenth century A. H., following the devastating and successive earthquakes that occurred in the old Quchan, a new city was built nearby. The new Quchan was slowly expanding, and its attractions attracted many merchants, capitalists, and immigrants. The boom of trade between Quchan and Ashgabat and the need for easier transportation to Bajgiran and Dargaz caused special attention to the existing road. On the other hand, to form a powerful central government, which was considered by some politicians and intellectuals since the First World War, the development of the road network was also considered by the government of the time. One of the important structures after the construction of the new city of Quchan was the construction of a bridge over the Atrak river, which could have a significant impact on facilitating traffic on the Quchan-Ashgabat road. This research is a descriptive-analytical method and primarily relying on new documents as well as written sources and talking to informed people to answer the question of which departments and individuals were involved in the construction of this bridge and how this bridge was built Is it? The research findings indicate the cooperation of the Quchan Governor's Office, Astan Quds and Mashhad Municipality in the construction of this bridge and the identity of foreign experts who built the bridge has also been introduced.

A large number of currents were created in the Qajar period press including the beginning of critical illustration with socio-political approaches with the growth of the free thought approach and the constitutional revolution. Kashf-al-Asrar, as the first critical illustrated publication in Mashhad, was among the local press during the reign of Ahmad Shah (1909-1925), the first version of which was published in Tehran during 1913. Upon the visit of Abolghasem Parvardin (Moayed al-Sharia Gilani), as its founder and director, the second year of publication continued in Mashhad since late September 1914 which coincided with the First World War. The second year continued for six months until the February 3, 1914 with publishing 17 issues using lithographic and lead printing methods to produce images and text in the Toos publishing house. The present descriptive and analytical study aims to assess the themes, approaches, and objectives of the illustrations in Mashhad Kashf-e-Asrar publication. Based on the findings in the available numbers from the second year (3-17), the editor of Kashf-al-Asrar sought to criticize the performance of ministers and members of parliament, display the dissatisfaction of the masses with their performance, and demonstrate the problems such as opioid use, revocation of publications, and limited representation of special agents. In addition, the publication’ s anonymous illustrator was tasked with expressing this attitude and approach in the form of a visual discourse to understand all sections of society, especially the illiterate.