Political Quarterly
Year:2010 | Volume:40 | Issue:1|Papers Count:22

"Grand policies" are based on philosophical foundation of political regimes, and they are related with strategic problems of political system. Because of philosophical nature and strategic level of grand policies, it is recommended that they have not to be numerous. In Iranian political system, official structure of policy making procedure begins by the Expediency Council. This council, according to the constitution, is mandated by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran.This article basically aims to analyze policy making tasks of different levels of Iranian political system, and argue that, because of its constitutional nature, the Expediency Council has to reduce its numerous policies, maximum to 15 grand policies, whereas they are actually more than 50 grand policies.

The United States of America has sought to utilize human rights discourse so that it forces other countries, either friends or foes, to submit to its demands. In doing so, the article seeks to explain American human rights foreign policy and hypothesize that given continuity in existing situation, implications for U.S. foreign policy principles will lead to endure and intensify, and, of course, broaden human-rights-centered pressures on Iran. The article concludes that considering existing trends, American human rights foreign policy towards Iran, especially after approaching the U.S. to exert soft and smart power under the Obama administration, will increase in extent and scope.

This research surveys the relationship between elements of identity and foreign policy indicators in the Islamic Republic of Iran (I.R.I.) . For this purpose, at first it explains constructivism theory because of the essence of I.R.I constitution and Islamic-Iranian norms and values in foreign policy. According to this approach, these values and norms shape the I.R.I. identity, and identity determines its interests and foreign policy. The research intends to study the role of I.R.I. identity in its foreign policy. The main question is what includes the most important indicator in foreign policy of I.R.I? Other questions are: 1- Which elements in I.R.I. identity have the main impact on Iranian foreign policy? 2- What is the stand of economic interests in these indices? The hypothesis of this research is that security approach is the main indicator in I.R.I. foreign policy. Furthermore, economic interests have no stand in these indicators. This article has been organized in two parts: the first part is about constructivism theory in international relations and foreign policy, and the second part analyzes I.R.I. foreign policy indicators based on its identity. The results show that security approach is the most important factor affecting I.R.I. foreign policy. Findings also show that there is not any attention to economic interests in Foreign Policy Indicators.

This paper seeks to examine the current situation of development in the Middle East and particularly the challenges ahead of the region in attaining sustainable development and human development in the near future. The elitist theory is adopted as the conceptual framework for the research, since in the absence of institutionalization, the attitudes and behavior of power-holders serve as valid guides for political change. Then the author addresses the place of the Middle East among the other developing regions of the world and studies the reasons why this region is exceptional due to its backwardness from the world dominant trends in the economic and political fields. The other parts of the paper deal with the political and economic challenges arising from the dominance of the rentier state in the region as well as problems resulting from women's insufficient participation in the region's development process. The author concludes that the precondition to achieve sustainable development in the region includes democratization of al countries and acceptance of the free market economic system.

After the 1980s, usage of informative & communicative technologies is increasing throughout the word. It seemed that complicated subjects and issues decrease by this given data and technologies for the states and have therefore provided complicated interdependence among states. This bi-functionalism of the informative & communicative technology causes security problems for the countries specially underdeveloped countries i.e. the countries that have digital gap rather than developed ones. Considering the concept of security evolution and apart from military aspect, these security problems could be surveyed in economic, cultural, social, political and environmental aspects.

Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) was created in 1967 in order to prevent the threat of communism in Southeast Asia. But, over time, new states joined it and goals and activities of this organization expanded to other areas such as economic, commercial, political and cultural ones. Thus, over time, cooperation between members expanded in a way today this regional organization is considered as one of the successful models of regional integration in Asia. The main purpose of this article is that how ASEAN encounters new security threats such as organized crimes, weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. Questions to be answered are that what ASEAN has done for combating new security threats and whether these actions were adequate or not?

After the Second World War, universities had been permanently one of the main centers for student movements. Since the Reza Pahlavi's rule in Iran, we have seen the formation of a new social movement. They have had a critical approach to political power and the structure of government. The increase in the student activities are closely related to the creation of more social cleavages and conflicts. If social movements particularly student movement possess radical nature, the ground for the emergence of radicalism will be established in social action of student groups. As a result generally power structure tries to reduce political cleavage through reproducing of nation-state relations. This could happen whenever the " (massed) condensed cleavages" turn into the "crossed cleavages". On the one hand, and the ground was paved for changing the vertical social contrasts into the horizontal social competition on the other. Inattention to the process would lead to producing radical space in political and social action of student movement. The essay tries to examine and evaluate the signs of action toward the political structure in four historical periods which include pre-cultural revolution, Iran-Iraq war, construction and the reform period.

Contrary to President Obama's stated position in November 2009, it is presumed here that the Islamic Republic intentionally procrastinates normalization of its foreign policy towards the U.S. This intentional delay is due to mutual mistrust existing between the two states. Nonetheless, the Islamic Republic is determined to avoid further confrontation with the U.S. In this respect, the Islamic Republic has devised a mixed foreign policy towards the U.S. In its bid to offset U.S. soft-power pressures on Iran, it implements a surrealist approach to pre-empt U.S. diplomatic efforts. In the meantime, it is concerned about the spiral effects of its surrealist policies. In its attempt to avoid adverse consequences, it implements all realistic measures to prevent U.S. military attack on Iran's strategic sites. Consequently, the mid-term foreign policy of the Islamic Republic versus the U.S. has a range between pre-emptive surrealism to preventive realism. Of course, there are some metapolitical (moral and primordial) factors also involved. The impacts of these factors are more or less marginal. In case, the mutual mistrusts fade away in the long-term, hence Iran and the U.S. will be able to work out new framework for their strategic relations.

We know Edward Said with his book "Orientalism." There are three principles that were important in his thought and his books: first, his obsession with exact expression of intellectual's place and cultural message; second, analysis of Westerner's discourse on the east generally and Islam especially; and third, distinguishing Palestinian fighting. Even though we can see some contradictions in his works and words, Said's aim is to gain a general and transcendental aim: Fighting for retaining his homeland, i.e. Palestine. Said, then, in the framework of threefold obsessions thinks about bringing out Palestine territory, history and people (and Muslims) from the oblivion of modernity discourse in general and orientalism in particular. In this path, he never omits any attempt and by attention to the facts of the world and region, he first, reveals the truth, then, even accepts the Jewish- Palestine country in order not to let the name of Palestine be removed from the political scene of the world.

Globalization, more than a concept, is a process in which developing of sciences, technologies of production and information have changed many sides of life and brought some different approaches to them. Among these phenomena, power relations have significantly changed. Levels and aspects of development have interaction with other changing concepts and sometimes reject the patterns of modernization theories. As a result, political development criteria are not reliant and practical as they were in the past. Today, reductionism attitude in modem theories of development cannot analyze and solve most of social and political problems.Accordingly, we should regard some post-modern approaches to development following all aspects and levels such as environmental, political and economic considerations as well as internal and external sides of policy making. This is a new situation for human values to be different and concentrated while policy making, titling sustainable development approach.

The political crisis in Lebanon during the past three years has remained one of the critical issues in the regional and international scenes. This article attempts to examine the short-term and long-term causes of the political crisis in Lebanon. It proposes that demographic changes in favor of the Shias, increased power of Hezbollah, the multi-ethnic structure of Lebanese society, the type of government and allocation of political power are amongst the long-term causes. The 1559 and 1701 UN resolutions, the 33-day war between Israel and Hezbollah, and the assassination of Rafiq Harii are the contributing elements in the short-term. The paper suggests that the increased power and clout by Hezbollah is a critical factor that needs to be addressed if any long-term solution to the Lebanese crisis is to be found.

Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) is known as the knowledge of life in Islamic literature. So, political fiqh is usually defined as a go-between and coherent adaptor of faith and politics in Islamic communities. In this article, I outline the general anatomy of political fiqh and attempt to provide a productive paradigm for understanding Islamic society's politics. I concentrate in particular on two subjects; First, the foundations, possibilities and limitations of political fiqh; and second, the operational analysis of political fiqh as a subsystem of Islamic knowledge and the protector of political sentences, judgments and orders in Islamic society.

This paper seeks to answer the question whether the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1911 in Iran was a democratic revolution or social revolution? This discussion has been explained from the view point of the political sociology, relying on the Moore's theory. Studies indicate that the Constitutional Revolution in all periods has had the features of democratic revolution for the following reasons: The revolution was led by bourgeoisie and land aristocracy in different periods. The revolution defended the legalism, established political freedom and applied the peaceful means more than other social revolutions.

In the mid-1950s, regionalism rose in international literature. In the Middle East and Persian Gulf regional issues draw attention of theorists in the late 1960s. At first, regionalism aimed to organize political will of regional leaders towards to organize political will, while regionalism in the Middle East and Persian Gulf concentrated on the security affairs. This proves that the essence of regionalism in Europe and Southeast Asia is different from the Middle East and Southwest Asia.There is a need to make that in the situation of the Persian Gulf, delay in statebuilding process, security could be more important than development. Consequently, regionalization in the region needs a security-centric approach. Also, there is no consensus over the framework of security in the region this considered as the main core of "security dilemma" in the region. This paper inspects contending approaches and evaluates different way to pass behind the security dilemma and transition into the Persian Gulf. In doing so, the conflicting, balanced, regulative and critical approaches are examined.

In the almost new literature of Social Capital, the concept has mainly been considered domestic, while we can find social capital beyond state borders. In this article Social Capital has been connected to International Relations through micro and macro aspects. The effect of information technology on social capital is then mentioned on both domestic and transnational scales. Information technologies can lead to increase in Participation, Capital and supplement of Network Capital in domestic scale as well as making possible the creation of formal and informal networks of relationship, pursuing common goals in transnational scale.

Map is the most important tool for cognizance in the field of geography and is the best instrument for presentation of geographic information. The study of ecology in general, which means the study of relationship between man and his environment, is only possible by means of maps.As a tool for ecology and manifestation of human sovereignty over environment, the map has served. political power-holders and authorities. Therefore, it can play a critical role in pursuit of the policies and exercising the authority. The concept of power is not limited to political power, rather it includes all forms and classes of power in a community. Why the authorities use the map as a tool for exercising power and in pursuit of their policies? This paper is designed and conducted to respond to the above question. Therefore, a theoretical framework is presented in which the relationship between the power and map is studied.

In recent years, we have witnessed the developments in the Middle East region including changes in the political arena of Iraq, participation crisis in Lebanese cabinet, internal disputes of Palestine and nuclear issue of the I.R. of Iran.Given regional rivalries between Saudi Arabia and the I.R. of Iran, the mention developments led to divergence and tensions in foreign relation Saudi Arabia towards the I.R. of Iran.Seemingly, in case of non peaceful settlement of such rivalries and tensions, the relationships between the I.R. of Iran and Saudi Arabia would be strained and would be led to crisis in the relations between both countries.With regard to this point that the trend of situations in the region is not in the line of stand and interests of Saudi Arabia and this country has been prompted to reactions, therefore, I.R. of Iran, should seriously avoid any measure which may lead to intensification of situation and may render undesirable image of Iran to Saudi Arabia.

This study is a description about the development of ceremonies and rituals and also the formation of religious system and the type of its opposition with the political system, after the official declaration of Asna Ashari (twelve Imams) Shiism in the Safavid Dynasty. The author believes that at least four development periods can be considered in Iranian rituals in the Safavid era. The first period is related to Shah Ismaeil including the harmonization process of the religion. Another period is considered as the appearance of Shah (king) Abbas I, along with the popularization of religious practices and disciplines. In the third period, probably Shah Thahmasb and Shah Safi had emerged and dramatic aspects had entered these Rituals. Finally in the period of the weak Safavid Shahs (kings) such as Sulaiman and Hussein, religious dogmatism has been significantly developed. On this basis, the relationship between Ulema (Religious Authorities) and Shah (King) can be described in three historical and mental fields. The author argues that Ulema got wealthier more then ever and they were in mush higher position than kings in social perspectives, although because of political limitations they had to follow the political system.

The objective of this paper is to provide an overview of various approaches on Iran's nuclear program and the frameworks within which the approaches can be located. It first addresses different views held in relevant think tanks and academic circles in the U.S. regarding Iran's nuclear program, including motivation-based and consequence-based arguments in their different variants. Then Iranians' views will be discussed to demonstrate the diversity of approaches to the issue. These include those who reject efforts to obtain nuclear energy, those who support it, those who are for nuclear capability, and a minority who are for nuclear weapons. The main argument here is that a variety of discursive contexts including National Security Discourse, Ideological Discourse, and National Pride Discourse, constitute the significance of nuclear debates and make them meaningful.

This paper firstly introduces the structure and the content of 'Political Thought in Medieval Islam' . The content has two main parts, covering ten chapters totally. In the main part of the paper some critical notes are mentioned and some ameliorative and constructive suggestions are presented. The major headlines of these critiques are as follows: lacking clear methodology and theoretical framework, concentration on political thought of Sunni sect and paying no attention to Shiite political thought, focusing on debt of Islam to Christianity and Judaism, the need to review technical terms and preparation of bibliography or list of referendces, and finally accounting some scientific doubts using descriptive footnotes. The book, however, is useful as a classic work in political thought of Islam and is useful as an academic text alongside other books.