POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE
Year:2019 | Volume:14 | Issue:2 (28) |Papers Count:8

The current study is trying to present a comparative analysis of the pattern of justice between two thinking streams of “ Neo-Sadraism” and “ Communitarianism” based on Morteza Motahhari and Michael Walzer’ s ideas. To achieve a pattern of justice based on these two thinkers’ ideas, three “ philosophical” (including epistemology, anthropology, and ontology), “ paradigmatic” , and “ scientific” (including theory and model) types of knowledge are mentioned, with an attempt to analyze the collected data based on the comparative method. Therefore, after explaining the philosophical and paradigmatic knowledge of Neo-Sadra'i and Communitarian streams of thought, we have compared justice theory and the model of “ infrastructure – superstructure” of Morteza Motahhari with “ complicated equality” of Walzer in some parts such as “ one's concept of justice” , “ perception of validity from justice” , “ relativism in justice” , “ pluralism in the bases of justice’ , and “ the relation between individual and community’ s rights in the implementation of justice” . The findings have shown that despite the shared ideas of these two thinkers in giving importance to the society and community in the perception of social blessings and the principles of their distribution, Morteza Motahhari gave priority to the community’ s rights in comparison with the individual's, and also he disagrees with the maximum relativism and pluralism in blessings and the principles of their distribution, and – unlike Walzer’ s approach – he believes in the existence of some constant and universal perceptions in justice. On the other hand, by counting eleven minor domains of justice (membership, security and welfare, money and commodities, office, hard work, leisure, education, kinship and love, divine grace, recognition and formalization, and political power), Walzer considers the preservation of interdependence in each domain from “ domination” and “ monopoly” , but Morteza Motahhari, by mentioning three general domains of justice (divine, individual, and social) indicates an effective comprehensive relation among them, with divine justice as the infrastructure for human justice, and the individual justice as a superstructure for social justice.

The voting behavior paradigms of the past decade sought to show the relation between social and economic variables and votes. Although economic theories and intellectual paradigms regarded the vote as the result of rational computation and rational action, they still insisted on the importance of class judgment. This was due to the fact that the arrangement of political forces in most societies were understandable based on the social and economic gap of the left and the right. But in recent decades, with the growing importance of "cultural capital" in social relations, class and economic voting are retreating vis-a-vis a new phenomenon which is "cultural voting". This vote has its roots in the occurrence of traditional left and right gaps, and has affected them at the same time. This article examines how and why these cultural ratings and structural changes in the traditional left and right gaps have emerged. The main subject is the features of "cultural voting" and the role of cultural and symbolic capital in the arrangement of political forces. In order to demonstrate the transition of class voting to cultural voting, the French elections of 2017 and in particular the working class voting are analyzed.

The main task of marketing managers is the discovery of customer's needs and analysis of their purchasing behavior and the ranking of influencing factors on these. The result of this effort is to identify the tastes of the market and provide the appropriate goods or services, or to gain more market share. The Political parties, in the same manner, need to understand the individual and public needs so that they could obtain a correct analysis of the electorate's conduct and inclinations towards certain political trends and use it in their election campaigns. Therefore, the major task of political marketing is the analysis of people's voting behavior, a task which is referred to as the basic strategies of political campaigns. The purpose of this research, an interdisciplinary one, is using the political marketing approach to explain the reasons behind people's backing a certain candidate. To do this, we have first reviewed the theoretical foundations of voting behavior and political marketing, and then we have identified and categorized the factors influencing the voting behavior of the Iranian people by using the mixed method, and finally we have ranked these factors. The result of the research is the introduction of three major shaping factors behind people's voting behavior, namely the candidate, the voter and the competitive environment, each of which has three sub-components and 36 indicators.

Ethnic diversity in any country requires policy-making in proportion to the foundations of the political system and the diversity situation in that country. Iran is also one of the countries with ethnic diversity. Justice in the Islamic Republic of Iran is a fundamental discourse and a legitimate factor that should be based on that policy. Therefore, justice in the policy of ethnic diversity is important and has implications as well. In this article, while selecting the approach and definition of justice as the practice of assigning the appropriate position for each object, the status and importance of justice in the policy of ethnic diversity in the Islamic Republic of Iran has been considered both theoretically and practically. In the next step, the implications of adopting a just approach to ethnic diversity policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran have been extracted. Studies and reviews show that the principal, purposeful, process, political and structural implications are derived from the adoption of a just approach to the policy of ethnic diversity.

Islamic awakening in Egypt and the fall of the dictatorial regime of Husni Mubarak as a strategic partner of Britain and the United States have changed the North-African region's political-security arrangements. The overthrow of Mubarak and the taking of the government by the Muslim Brotherhood led the British authorities to review their policies towards Egypt. Therefore, this article is written to answer this key question that “ How does Britain manage, direct or control the Islamic movements and Islamic awakening to protect its national goals and policies? ” The results of this study show that British policy towards the Islamic awakening is based on the neo-colonial approaches that seek the revival of powerful dependent states. For this reason, the state-building by the United Kingdom in Egypt is based on two foundations of "education and networking. " In the first step, the Egyptian elite, in line with the British policies, take over the power, a role which is played by the Egyptian army right now. In the second step, the training and rebuilding of military and security institutions are on the agenda. The last step is the education of the media, women and youth, and simultaneously, entrepreneurship and development. It also reinforces feminism and the development of journalism and political education within the framework of secularist ideas, which is essentially aimed at curbing the emergence of Islamist currents in Egypt.

Latin America is a region rich in underground valuable resources coveted by the United States for long so much so that they have assumed it as their backyard and endeavored to interfere in its affairs in more than a century. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a result of the cruel sanctions of the United States as well as its being confronted with their hostile policies, has tried to expand and deepen its spiritual influence in the Latin American region by using soft power and exploiting the existing conflicts between some of the states of this region with the United States. Tehran has been able to expand its strategic depth in this backyard of the US by interacting with this region in political, economic, and cultural areas. The main topic of the present paper is that Latin America because of its special economic, cultural – accommodating a large number of Arabs and Muslims-and political status, can play a crucial role in meeting Iran's objectives like developing political, economic, and cultural influence and diversifying its export destination including its technical and engineering services. In this regard, the main question of the present article is: How can soft power act as an important instrument of the Islamic Republic of Iran to increase its influence in the Latin American region? Indeed, along the policy of diversifying its foreign partners and allies, the Islamic Republic of Iran is seeking to attract other partners in Latin America to increase its political, economic and cultural influence by applying public diplomacy and soft power.

Political protest is currently a major problem for the Islamic Republic of Iran, since this political-social phenomenon has challenged its political stability in various dimensions. On the one hand, Iranian society is involved in a progressive protesting movement for various reasons and at various levels, and on the other, the Islamic Republic of Iran as a political system needs to maintain its political stability in order to rule. Hence, one of the main problems of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the solution to the conflict between political protest and political stability. To find an answer to this conflict, the grounds for the formation of political protest in the Islamic Republic of Iran have been examined based on the qualitative method and the choice of a theoretical framework for political stability as an equilibrium, at two micro and macro levels; then the mechanism of the effectiveness of the political protest has been discussed as a destabilizing factor in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Finally, it became apparent that political protest may occur as an active destabilizer in any political system, and for its management, it is necessary first to obtain an accurate understanding of the concept of political protest, then to distinguish the effective levels of political stability and political opposition so that one could take the necessary steps and make decisions. Based on this analytical model, three levels of operational strategy are proposed to solve the dual conflict of political protest and political stability. The innovation of this research paper is an attempt to provide solutions to the dual conflict of political protest and political stability in the Islamic Republic of Iran as an objective and real issue for the society and the Islamic Republic of Iran's system.