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Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources
Author(s): 

رحمتی محسن

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    1390
  • Volume: 

    47 (دوره جدید)
  • Issue: 

    2 (پیاپی 10)
  • Pages: 

    89-111
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    670
  • Downloads: 

    152
Abstract: 

هم زمان با تشکیل دولت شیعی مذهب صفوی در آغاز قرن دهم هجری، اوزبکان دشت قبچاق نیز صفحات شمالی قلمرو تیموریان در ماوراءالنهر و خوارزم را تصرف کرده، در هر دو منطقه، به ترتیب دو خاندان شیبانی و عربشاهی زمام امور را در دست گرفتند. در ابتدای امر، علاوه بر اختلاف مذهبی، ادعای مالکیت اوزبکان نسبت به خراسان، عامل اصلی تصادم و درگیری آن ها با صفویان شد. اگر چه خاندان شیبانی این روابط خصمانه را تا زمان انقراض خود، ادامه دادند ولی خاندان عربشاهی در مناسبات خود با صفویه به گونه ای دیگر عمل کردند. اساس مناسبات عربشاهیان با صفویه، مبتنی بر نوعی تناقض بود. خوانین عربشاهی ضمن تعرض به مرزهای قلمرو صفوی، قتل، غارت، اسارت شیعیان ایرانی و فروش آن ها به عنوان برده، با دولت صفویه روابط دوستانه و صلح طلبانه مبتنی بر وفاق و همگرایی نیز داشتند که در آن علاوه بر ابراز دوستی و تبادل سفیر، به ارسال گروگان به دربار پرداخته و خود را تحت حمایت شاه صفوی در آوردند.این مقاله در پی آن است که ضمن شناسایی تحولات درونی خوارزم در دوره حاکمیت عربشاهیان، روابط فیمابین خوانین عربشاهی با دولت صفوی را، با تاکید بر عوامل اثرگذار بر آن تبیین کند.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    1390
  • Volume: 

    47 (دوره جدید)
  • Issue: 

    2 (پیاپی 10)
  • Pages: 

    51-71
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    919
  • Downloads: 

    259
Abstract: 

کردستان به عنوان یکی از ایالت های کهن ایرانی مرکز استقرار شاخه ای از اقوام ایرانی به نام کردها بود که اسم خود را به این ایالت دادند و بعدها در تاریخ تحولات ایران نقش موثری نیز ایفا کردند. کردستان در قرن های ششم و هفتم آرام آرام شاهد تشکیل یک سلسله بومی – محلی با حضور خاندان بنی اردلان بود که مقارن با حاکمیت صفویان و اوج اقتدار آنان در عهد عباس اول به صورت یکی از چهار والی نشین مقتدر عهد صفویه درآمد و بعدها از آغاز حکومت قاجار تا عهد ناصری همچنان قدرت و نفوذ خود را حفظ کرد. این مقاله در صدد است تا با بررسی و جستجو در متون و منابع درونی بومی – محلی کردستان اردلان و خاندان بنی اردلان در عصر قاجار، چگونگی شکل گیری ارکان درونی حکومت و تقسیمات سیاسی این قدرت بومی – محلی را بررسی نموده، تشکیلات، تقسیمات و کارکردهای سیاسی، اداری و مالی این والی نشین و ساختار درونی قدرت آنها را در پیوند با حکومت مرکزی قاجار مورد بحث و بررسی قرار دهد.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

View 919

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    1390
  • Volume: 

    47 (دوره جدید)
  • Issue: 

    2 (پیاپی 10)
  • Pages: 

    113-131
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    980
  • Downloads: 

    206
Abstract: 

طلب مساوات و برابری به عنوان ارزش هایی عدالت خواهانه از نخستین مطالبات انقلاب مشروطیت ایران بود که نظر به مبانی فکری و موقعیت اجتماعی معتقدان آن، در قالب رویکردهایی متفاوت قابل شناسایی است. این مقاله بر آن است تا به تحلیل و تبیین زمینه های فکری و اجتماعی عدالت خواهی در دو حزب دموکرات و اعتدالیون در سالهای آغازین مشروطیت بپردازد و دو رویکرد متفاوت به عدالت خواهی را در مرام نامه های دو حزب شناسایی کرده، چرایی تفاوت این رویکردها را نیز جستجو کند. همچنین این فرضیه را که: درک متفاوت برخی مولفه های عدالت خواهی سبب شده است که حزب دموکرات خواستار تغییرات بنیادین در ساختارهای اصلی جامعه شود و از دیگر سو حزب اعتدالیون بر اصلاح و تعدیل آن ساختارها بسنده کنند؛ به آزمون گذارد.

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Author(s): 

AGHAHOSSEINI ALIREZA

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    1-16
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1368
  • Downloads: 

    698
Abstract: 

The nationalization of oil industry movement is one of the important historical periods of political life in Iran, through which Iranians came to political scene not only to eradicating the roots of foreign exploitation forever but also to pave the way for the development of Iran. Unfortunately the wish didn’t come true. So far many researchers have studied the reasons of this failure from different perspectives. The attempt is made here to provide a new perspective in addition to the available view points, based on discourse analysis. The main purpose of this article is to determine that how did the “inquiring of national rights” became equivalent to the “nationalizing” over the years of this movement. With a review of the history of oil industry nationalization, the discourse analysis contributes to the realistic understanding of Iranian nationalists’ performance against enemy’s transference logic. Fundamental reasons, discussed in this article indicate that Iranian nationalists didn’t have a deep and predictable strategy against USA and specially UK regarding oil industry. As this weakness was revealed along with the fundamental reasons, Iranian nationalists did not have realistic initiatives the kind that could transfer the discourse ambiguity in to a new era. A new era could have been addressed in a manner that the foundation of oil industry would have remained powerful and would have embarrassed the enemies. This strategy did not work and this national movement failed gradually.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    15-72
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    230
  • Downloads: 

    362
Abstract: 

Kurdistan as one of the Old Iranian states was the residing center of a branch of Iranian tribes; these people as Kurds called this state Kurdistan and contributed to the evolution of the history of Iran. Kurdistan gradually witnessed the establishment of a local-native dynasty called Bani Ardalan. Coinciding with Safavid rule and their climax during king Abbas the first era the Ardalan dynasty, became one of the four powerful authorized governances of Safavid era. They maintained their power from the beginning of Qajar government until the Nasery era. The attempt is made here to analyze the internal establishments and the political infrastructure formation of this local-native power, through a study of Ardalan’s Kurdistan and Bani Ardalan clan internal-native sources. In addition to study the political, financial and administrative, organizations, divisions and functions of this governance and their internal power structure in connection with Qajar central government.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    17-50
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    1
  • Views: 

    1082
  • Downloads: 

    615
Abstract: 

In Kharazm-shah’s era the theological school of I’tazila was a prosperous historical period in Kharazm’s territory. This territory due to geographical situation and economic status and commercial transactions with Eastern nations, especially north Europe which was the center of intellectual influence had engulfed various religions and nations. This situation, considering the intellectual and cultural background, social and political stability of Kharazm was very effective and influential on I’tazila school in that territory. The important issue in this study is that, unlike some historians and researchers conception, theological school of I’tazila, based on mentioned situations did not fade away after political decomposition of Abasi’s Caliphate and Ashariyya dominance in scientific and cultural centers and the influence continued on in Saldjuks’ governance era. After many attempts, this school was able to affect Kharazm territory and Kharazm-shah’s era in the late 5th century (lunar)/11th century (A.D.) and it lasted up to 7th and 8th century (lunar)/ 13th and 14th century (A.D.).

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Author(s): 

HOSSEINI SEYED HASHEM

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    73-88
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    868
  • Downloads: 

    1200
Abstract: 

This article attempts to study the descriptions of Mashhad’s Chaharbagh and the events in historical texts from its construction in Shahrukh’s Timurid era until it’s destruction in the early Qajar era. In this regard, an introduction will be presented about the concept and the history of Mashhad’s Chaharbagh; and then the issues cited in Timurid, Safavid, Afsharid and Qajar eras historical texts will be studied. The historical dimensions and the most important events that have occurred in Chaharbagh which are affected the destiny of Iran, would be revealed and evaluated. One of the most important historical periods of Chaharbagh is late Safavid and Afsharid eras when, Mashhad as the capital of Iran and Chaharbagh as the court occupies an important place in history of Iran. Distressed situation of Iran after Afghans’ attack and the quick replacement of power in the late Safavid era has affected the events  that occurred in Chaharbagh. The findings of this research, on the one hand suggest that although today’s Chaharbagh such as Safavid Chaharbagh of Esfahan is known as a street, in the Timurid era Chaharbagh was constructed like heavenly gardens that engulfed the palace. But because of the evolutions started from the Safavid era, the environment and the concept of this monumental place changed; the changes include the settlement of the city governor, Nader shah’s  court and  his successors. On the other hand ,a review on the  events occurred in Mashhad’s Chaharbagh from the late Safavid era until the establishment of Qajar dynasty, indicate the unique situation of Mashhad in this region in that difficult historical passage which deserves more study.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

View 868

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Author(s): 

HOSSEINI SEYED HASHEM

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    73-88
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1501
  • Downloads: 

    562
Abstract: 

This article attempts to study the descriptions of Mashhad’s Chaharbagh and the events in historical texts from its construction in Shahrukh’s Timurid era until it’s destruction in the early Qajar era. In this regard, an introduction will be presented about the concept and the history of Mashhad’s Chaharbagh; and then the issues cited in Timurid, Safavid, Afsharid and Qajar eras historical texts will be studied. The historical dimensions and the most important events that have occurred in Chaharbagh which are affected the destiny of Iran, would be revealed and evaluated. One of the most important historical periods of Chaharbagh is late Safavid and Afsharid eras when, Mashhad as the capital of Iran and Chaharbagh as the court occupies an important place in history of Iran. Distressed situation of Iran after Afghans’ attack and the quick replacement of power in the late Safavid era has affected the events  that occurred in Chaharbagh. The findings of this research, on the one hand suggest that although today’s Chaharbagh such as Safavid Chaharbagh of Esfahan is known as a street, in the Timurid era Chaharbagh was constructed like heavenly gardens that engulfed the palace. But because of the evolutions started from the Safavid era, the environment and the concept of this monumental place changed; the changes include the settlement of the city governor, Nader shah’s  court and  his successors. On the other hand ,a review on the  events occurred in Mashhad’s Chaharbagh from the late Safavid era until the establishment of Qajar dynasty, indicate the unique situation of Mashhad in this region in that difficult historical passage which deserves more study.

Yearly Impact: مرکز اطلاعات علمی Scientific Information Database (SID) - Trusted Source for Research and Academic Resources

View 1501

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Author(s): 

RAHMATI MOHSEN

Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    89-112
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    260
  • Downloads: 

    0
Abstract: 

With the formation of the Shiite state government, the Safavid government, in the beginning of 14th (A.D) century the Uzbecks of Dasht-i- Qepchaq occupied the north of Timurid territory in Mavry Alnahr and Kharazm areas. In both the areas, Sheibani clan and Arbashahi clan controlled the situation, respectively. In the beginning, in addition to their religious differences, the Uzbecks claimed Khorasan’s possession and this was the main cause of their conflict with Safavid. Although, Sheibani clan continued its hostile relations with Safavid until their extinction; the Arabshahi clan acted different in their relations with Safavid. Arabshahi’s relation with Safavid was based on a contradiction. The Arabshahi khan’s attacked the Safavid territory borders, murdered, plundered, captured Iranian Shiieas and sold them as slave. Arabshahi khan’s had a peaceful relationship with Safavid based on consensus and convergence; they exchanged ambassadors, also they released hostages and send them to Safavid court and kind of accepted Safavids as their foster. The attempt is made here to identify the internal evolutions in Khwarazm during Arabshahi rules and the correlation between Arabshahi khans and Safavid government with an emphasis on the affecting factors.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    113-132
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    187
  • Downloads: 

    349
Abstract: 

Requesting equality as a justice value was the first constitutional revolution request. This ideology should be identified based on different perspectives. The attempt is made here to analyze the relation between the intellectual and social backgrounds of the two Democratic and Etedalioun parties with regards to justice category in the early years of constitutional revolution. It is necessary to identify the different approaches of the two parties in political, social, and economical aspects in the justice concept, in addition to conducting studies on their manifestos and the reasons thereof. The different understanding of justice categories in both the parties has put demanding justice on the path of some fundamental changes in the main structure of the society in view of democracy and request reforms on the structure by the Etedalioun.

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Issue Info: 
  • Year: 

    2011
  • Volume: 

    47
  • Issue: 

    2 (10)
  • Pages: 

    133-154
Measures: 
  • Citations: 

    0
  • Views: 

    1425
  • Downloads: 

    958
Abstract: 

Esfahan’s Chaharbagh Madrasa (school) is one of the majestic constructions in the late Safavid era 1747-1739 (A.D). The construction is located in the eastern part of Chaharbagh Boulevard in Shah Soltan Hossein Safavid era. The school with its Bazar-booths and caravanserai made a huge complex in addition to being an education, religion and science training center. This structure was artistically very valuable one. The Shiite religion and Gnostics mentality, spiritual thoughts of the era had a direct influence on domestic art. Tile inscriptions in Chaharbagh School could be the best example for it. The attempt is made here to study the tile inscriptions of Chaharbagh School and the beliefs of Safavid era based on comparative-historical approach and field study. The Hypothesis here is that there exists a direct correlation between tile inscriptions of Esfahan’s Chaharbagh School and the beliefs of Safavid era. According to the kind of tile inscriptions and their location, the inscriptions vary. The tile inscriptions contents represented Iranian national symbols and Shiite religion beliefs which had affected all classes of people in the society, such as researchers, politicians, Sophie and even the public.

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