MAJLIS & RAHBORD
Year:2014 | Volume:21 | Issue:77|Papers Count:7

Two different functions for Non-oil export demand and supply is estimated in this article by using co integration technique during the period 1976-2009. Results show that there is a long-term relationship between gross domestic production, Real effective exchange rate, and Non-oil export in both supply and demand sides of Iranian economy. The results of estimating export demand function that includes GDP of Iran trade partners, real effective exchange rate, and dummy variable for Iran-Iraq war verify that demand elasticity for real effective exchange rate is 0.303 and income elasticity becomes 2.049. These results reveal that real effective exchange rate have not significant role in Non-oil demand function. On the other hand, estimated real effective exchange rate and GDP coefficients in export supply function of I.R.of Iran are 0.055 and 1.031, respectively.

The main propose of this study is to investigate the effect of economic, political and civil freedom on international migration from selected developing countries to the united States (by emphasizing on brain drain) during the period of 1996-2009 by panel data approach. Study findings showed there is a significant negative relationship between the economic freedom and total migration and brain drain. The lack of political and civil freedom has negative and significant effect on total migration and brain drain. Also the stockpiling of migration and brain drain affect positively and significantly on migration and brain drain. The effect of unemployment rate of university graduates on migration and brain drain is respectively non-significant and positive and significant. Human development index also has negative and significant effect on migration and brain drain.

Every society needs national identity to reach national unity and social cohesion. More cohesion, the stronger the social consensus would be. The constitutive essences of Iranian identity from the Constitutional Revolution till now are ancient Iranian civilization, Islamic civilization, and Modern civilization. A deep study of this period has clarified the fact that all governments have applied unbalanced identity policy towards constitutive essences of identity. It is hard to find out a balanced combination between the three mentioned civilizations. The governments usually take one or two essence (s) let the third aside intentionally and introduce it inimically the otherness of his/her selfness. What are the consequences of the governments' identity policy on possible status of next political powers? With studying analytically the contemporary Iranian history, this article shows the governments' identity policies were intemperate and such unbalanced approach has led to instability in national identity. Secondly it affirms the kind of one dominant identity policy may articulate the possible status of next political power. Achieving a stable national identity requires laying away reductionist-essentialist viewpoints to identity, using simultaneously all identity essences to set up consensus. This consensus should include all legitimate and respectful interests of the society.

The aim of this descriptive article is to evaluate ' Education Development for All' in the countries mentioned in the Islamic Republic of Iran's 2025 development vision. The needed data were collected according to the ' documentary research method'. They were later analyzed based on UNESCO-advised logic through the use of the ' secondary data analysis method'. The results indicate that as far as ' Education development for all' index is concerned, Georgia and Afghanistan are the highest and the lowest in rank respectively while Iran stands 18th among the 25 countries. In other words, Georgia, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Bahrain, Turkmenistan, Kuwait and Armenia are higher in ' education development for all' than other countries of the group, while Yemen, Pakistan, and Afghanistan suffer from low status from the ' Education Development for All' index standpoint. Finally, the majority of the countries in the region, including Iran, are regarded in the medium status in the framework of the index mentioned.

This paper examines the pros and cons of new reform bill of direct tax act, and its effects on business environment in Iran. Doing business “paying taxes” index is used to study the effects of new reforms on ease of paying taxes in Iran. The results indicate that the enactment of the new bill would result in (1) no change in total tax rate; (2) reduction of time and number of tax payment; (3) powerful motivation for investment by accepting investment costs as the tax acceptable costs and by exemption of the excess value which is created via property revaluation. The negative aspects of the new bill are (1) introducing two new wealth taxes and (2) introducing personal income tax without reconsidering corporate tax and the structure of deductions and exemptions. In sum, after removing these shortcomings, enactment of the new bill makes doing business easier in Iran.

If the aim of economic education assumed to be efficient allocation and distribution of resources, the available indices in the literature suffice our purpose. However, literature of the subject records varieties of distributional indices without any distinction. As a result the distributional outcomes of policies are evaluated differently. In this paper, we discuss two groups of distributional indices namely, Indices for Measurement of poverty and Indices for Measuring Inequality.We have classified these methods into three methodologies for constructing inequality index and five methodologies for constructing poverty index. In the end, evaluating these indices on the bases of optimality criteria and characteristics of good index from Islamic point of view, we found that two groups of Indices of poverty namely, absolute Poverty index and Poverty of opportunity Index, comply with Islamic norms and code of conducts specially to the Islamic economic rights and Islamic law of redistribution.